The KFA was written by Muḥammad ibn ʿAlī ibn Ḫalaf al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād alone.It was a sign of the independance from Istanbul (Nov 1914) (not from the UK Feb 1922).
It was the first offset printed muṣḥaf.
It was set with less than 300 sorts out of the 470 designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey ‒ in 1906 a new set of interlocking types with improved kerning had been adopted, allowing connecting strokes to meet without visible breaks (out which 406 were Arabic sorts, the rest: Persian, numbers, punctuation ‒ before 1906 there had been over 900 sorts; but even the reduced set had to many stacked ligatures for Muḥ. Ḥifnī Bey Nāsif; he wanted a muṣḥaf with baseline orientated letters for people educated in state schools, reading novels and news papers.
here you see the Amīrīya set text and the same text set in Hyderabad: mostly the same with the kasras higher, in the last example a different form of end-mīm was used (in the first line with the deep mīm kasratan are move slightly to the left)
the KFE(resp. al-Ḥaddād) did not reconstruct the spelling according to Ibn Naǧāh, he just follwed a Faz print
I base this assertion on two groups of facts: the adding of ġāliban in the information. first the original words 1342 to 1414: the 1420 version again in 2019 and in the grand edition: and ‒ stated its sources (although ... see below),
‒ adopted ‒ except for the Kufic counting,
and the pause signs, which were based on Eastern sources.
‒ the Maghrebi rasm (largely after Abū Dāʾūd Ibn Naġāḥ)
‒ the Maghrebi small substitute vowels for elongation
‒ the Maghrebi baseline hamzae before Alif at the beginning of the word (ءادم instead of اٰدم).
‒ the Maghrebi distinction into three kinds of tanwin (above each other, one after the other, with mīm)
‒ the Maghrebi spelling at the end of the sura, which assumes that the next sura is spoken immediately afterwards (and without basmala): tanwin is modified accordingly.
‒ the Maghrebi absence of nūn quṭni.
‒ the Maghrebi non-spelling of the vowel shortening.
‒ the Maghrebi (wrong) spelling of ʾallāh.
‒ the Maghrebī (and Indian) attraction of the hamza sign by kasra
in G24 hamza with kasra is below the baseline ‒ in the Ottoman Empire (include Egypt) and Iran hamza stays above the line
‒ noted assimilation like in the Maghreb (and in India):
the first three lines are Ottoman (Rušdī, Ḥasan Riḍā in ʿIrāqī state editions, Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qadirġalī Cairo 1911),
in the middle Giza 1924
then Maġribī Warš editions ‒ note that in the older edition the second stem (vertical stroke) of لا is lam+šadda, while in the modern Algerian one, it is the first stroke.
the Maġribī writers, al-Muḫallalātī, and G24 have no sign above the assimilated latter and a šadda above the assimilating one.
A new feature was the differentiation of the Maġribī sukūn into three signs:
‒ the ǧazm in the form of a ǧīm without a tail and without a dot for vowel-lessness,
‒ the circle for never to be pronounced,
‒ the (oval) zero: only pronounced after a pause.
(while before ‒ as in IPak ‒ the absence of any sign signified "not to be pronounced").
Further, word spacing, baseline orientation and exact placement of dots and dashes.
A new feature was the differentiation of the Maghrebic sukūn into three signs:
‒ the ǧazm in the form of an ǧīms without a tail and without a dot for vowel-lessness,
‒ the circle for never to be pronounced,
‒ the (oval) zero for "only pronounced if paused".
(while before ‒ as in IPak‒ the absence of any sign signifies "not to be pronounced").
Further, word spacing,
baseline orientation and
exact placement of dots and dashes.
and ‒ on the fact that al-Ḥaddād stated its sources (although ... see below),
‒ adopted ‒ except for the Kufic counting,
and the pause signs, which were based on Eastern sources.
‒ the Maġribi rasm (largely after Abū Dāʾūd Ibn Naġāḥ)
‒ the Maġribī small substitute vowels for elongation (needed because
long vowel signs do not exist in the West)
‒ the Maġribī baseline hamzae before Alif at the beginning of the word (ءادم instead of اٰدم).
‒ the Maġribī distinction into three kinds of tanwin
(above each other, one after the other, with mīm)
‒ the Maġribī absence of nūn quṭni = nūn ṣīla.
‒ the Maġribī spelling at the end of the sura, which assumes that the next sura is spoken immediately afterwards (and without basmala): tanwin is modified accordingly.
‒ the Maġribī absence of rukūʿāt.
‒ the Maġribī non-spelling of the vowel shortening.
‒ the Maġribī (wrong) spelling of /ʾallāh/.
‒ the Maġribī (and Indian) attraction of the hamza sign by kasra
in G24 hamza with kasra is below the baseline ‒ in the Ottoman Empire + Iran hamza stays above the line
In 7:103 und 3:144+21:34 11:97+ 10:75+23:46+28:32+ 43:46 have the same rasm and are pronounced the same way, but written differently:
wa-malaʾihī
IPak: وَمَلَا۠ئِهٖ
Q52: وَمَلَإِي۠هِۦ
Both scripts use a mater lectionis in the rasm for /a/ and /i/ ‒ not for 7ā/ and /ī/,
since alif, yāʾ and wāw were the only letters available to signal the presence of a vowel.
in India alif is mute (= does not lengthens the fatḥa), yāʾ carries hamza
in the West alif carries the hamza, yāʾ is mute.
In 3:144 + 21:34 ʾa-faʾin
IPak: افَا۠ئِنْ
Q52: اَفإي۠ن
for Indians and Turks the alif is mute
(in proper IPak there is NOTHING above alif, since 1935 some put a circle,
Turks put qaṣr, Persians bil-qaṣri below)
die Araber sehen das alif als Hamza-Träger, das yāʾ als stumm.
Muṣṭafā Naẓīf lässt das stumme yāʾ in seinem (in Deutschland und Indonesia nachgedrucktem) 604er berkenar muṣḥaf in 21:34 weg:
اَفَإنْ
Sonst hat er ‒ wie üblich ‒ alif und yā, aber in dem 604er fehlt das yāʾ und die meisten Herausgeber der Reprints stört(e) das nicht.
In 21:34 ʾa-faʾin
IPak: افَا۠ئِنْ
Q52: اَفإي۠ن
India and osm/Tur make the alif silent
(Indians used to leave the alif without any sign, now they put the silent making circle,
Turks write qaṣr underneath)
for Arabs alif carries hamza, yāʾ is silent.
Muṣṭafā Naẓīf in one of his manuscripts (the 604 pages berkenar one) just drops the otiose letter. اَفَإنْ
It does not help to observe that in his other maṣāḥif he has the superfluous letter. The 604 page muṣḥaf is often reprinted (not as often as the 522 page one, but in different countries) without "correction".
Similar 6:34 min-nabaʾi
al-Ḥaddād switched from وَمَلَا۠ئِهٖ to وَمَلَإِي۠هِۦ , and from افَا۠ئِنْ to اَفإي۠ن , should be proof enough, that he uncrtically copied Morocco.
I do not claim that al‑Ḥaddād is wrong; I merely note that he offers no argument for his choice.
Now alif hosts the hamza while the yāʾ is silent, whereas previously the alif was silent and the yāʾ served as the seat for both the hamza and the /i/ vowel.
Incidentally, MNQ once forgets to write the otiose letter:
The Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim King Fuʾād 1924 edition
The field of study of printed editions of the Qur'an needs to be cleaned up.
Many German Orientalists refer to the official Egyptian edition of 1924/5 as "the standard Qur'an", others call it "Azhar Qur'an". Some call it "THE Cairo Edition/CE" ‒ nonsensical designations. Many false ideas circulate about the King Fuʾād edition, the Giza Qur'an, the Egyptian Survey Authority print (المصحف الشريف لطبعة مصلحة المساحة المصرية), the 12-liner (مصحف 12 سطر).
Some believe they are looking at a manuscript.♦
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Type printing is a letterpress process. Types/sorts leave small indentations on the paper: they press the printing ink into the paper. Offset is planographic: the paper absorbs the ink; you can't find indentations. With his eyes, Mohr saw that it was not handwritten. But he does not know that type print can only be recognised with the sense of touch.
"That's nonsense, instead of elaborately typesetting and printing that ONCE, why not have a calligrapher write it?" (Mohr) This fails to appreciate the technoid sense of accuracy of the editors of 1924. The accuracy established by typesetting and now achieved through OpenType technology is matched by no one but ʿUṯmān Ṭaha: perfect alignment with every vowel sign sitting exactly above or below its letter.
Traditional letterpress struggles with this layout. While characters on top of the line stay close enough to the eye, the descenders force the kasras too far below the baseline. This breaks the visual connection, making the page harder to read.
A look at the Hyderabad 1938 print shows what happens when you use (normal, like Monotype) movable-type: kasras sit beneath the descender of end-mīm, -lām, -ʿain, and -ḥāʾ, in 1906 Būlāq got new sorts, with notches/morizers these were lifted up next to a stroke, or into a counter. (On the image, I made the Giza kasras red.) The Amīrīya Press got interlocking lead types with precise, complementary notches and mortises along their lateral walls. This mechanical innovation allowed overlapping (kerning) letters and diacritics to seamlessly slide into one another's bodies like puzzle pieces, completely eliminating the vertical gaps of traditional rectangular blocks and achieving the fluid, uninterrupted connecting line of Arabic calligraphy.
When ʿUṯmān Ṭaha (UT) copied the Q52 text into the berKenar layout he kept the linear form and the space between words of the 1924/52 print the 1938 kasras sit too low, making the page look disjointed and harder to read. (In the image below, I marked the kasras in red that had been "lifted" on the galley proofs for the Giza print).
Two examples to illustrate.

While UT clearly reads yanhā, the beautiful Ottoman handwriting reads naihā; while the three vowel signs (fatḥa, sukūn, long-ā) are clearly in the right order (there is no other way, they are all on top), nūn (perhaps) comes before yāʾ (or does the nūn dot come before the yāʾ dots). Incidentally, the two "tooth" letters have a tooth or spine in UT, but none in court Ottoman! While there is clearly nothing between heh (I use the Unicode name to clearly distinguish it from ḥāʾ) and alif maqṣūra in UT, there could well be a tooth in Ottoman: You only needed to put two dots over it and it would be hetā or something like that.
2nd example: wa-malāʾikatihī Whereas the 1924 print (below) and UT (middle) use the small letter alif‑madda hovering in front of the yāʾ‑tooth ‒ an added long‑vowel that leaves the tooth free to carry a hamza directly beneath it, yielding a hamza‑yāʾ (/ʾ/, not /ī/ or /ā/) ‒ the Qaṭar muṣḥaf (top) puts a mutating alif‑madda directly above the tooth, thereby turning that tooth into a long‑vowel alif, and lets the hamza hover below after it. Sound and rasm remain the same, but the orthography is different ‒ not admissible for those who do not tolerate any approximation in the Qurʾān.
Now the whole of page 3 in comparison. Giza print and UT: the Amīrīya is more calligraphic than UT, which can be seen in the examples in the right margin.
All in all, UT follows the default. Baseline and clear from right to left. Only in the spacing between words is it less modern than the Amīriyya (which is why Dar al-Maʿrifa increased the spacing). While the Amīrīya has bāʾ/tā/ṯāʾ, sīn/šīn, mīm and fā above mim, UT writes it in front (right) of it. Similarily: KFE: lām above heh, UT before heh.
if you don't want to read the whole page, but just some words, in which KFA is more calligraphic can UT:◉
letters from the KFE and from UT1 (below):
In the upper part you see that KFA (white background) is more calligraphic, UT (yellowish) more typewriter style.
The lower part shows Būlāq sorts not used for the qurʾānic text, i.e. used for the appendices or not at all in the KFA.









