Most people think that there is ONE way to write the qurʾān, that if we leave the different qiraʾāt aside and ignore the style of writing, all copies of the qurʾān are the same.
And that they are written alright.
The opposite is true:
there are many different qurʾanic "ortho"graphies and none is ortho/right.
b, k, l, m, n, t ... are fine. Paleo-Linguists argue about ض ص ط ظ
But for modern readers only the vowels are problematic: short and long vowels.
Basically there are two systems:
an Indian system with seven vowel signs (a ā i ī u ū x)
an African System which needs for each long vowel a vowel sign plus the corresponding lengthening letter.
The African system is today common in the Arab world. When there is no lengthening letter (waw, yāʾ, alif) after ḍamma, kasra, fatḥa in the rasm, a small letter is added. When the rules of prosody require an "ī" although no yāʾ is in the rasm, a small yāʾ barī (i.e with the tail to the front) is added.
But when the rules of prosody require a (written/long) yāʾ to be shortened,
that is not reflected in the text.
I am shocked because the lengthening of vowels required by prosody IS shown.
I had no problem with sticking to the base letters, but adding reading helps sometimes defies God's logic.
(Turks and Persians do never show the niceties of quranic assimilation. ‒ That I can understand.)
(Turks note lengthened ī, but not lengthened ū ‒ something corrected in all Indonesian and some Iranian reprints.)
Indians, Turks, Persians, Indonesians are not happy with this. The Arab attitude "everybody knows that these letters do not lengthen the vowel at these places" sounds arrogant in non-Arab hears.
In XXX:10 /ʾasāʾŭ s-sūʾā/ in India (second line) and Indonesia (last, right) there is no
vowell sign about the wau in /ʾasāʾŭ/, hence it is not pronounced (just as the following alif).
In Kerala (first, right) and Turkey (fourth line) that wau is silent because it is only the
"seat" of hamza (there would be written "madd" underneath if it were to be pronounced).
In the new Iranian orthography (fifth line, right) all silent letter are pink.
But in the third line (right: Madina: ʿUṯmān Ṭaha; left: Damascus: Dār al-Maʿrifa) there is
no Silent-Sign above the wau.
The same in the last line, left (Tunis: Nous-mêmes) ‒ wrong as I see it.
But two of the taǧwīd-Editions based on UT do show the silence of that wau: On the top, left from Bairut
(blueish for silence), on the fifth line, left from Damascus (grey triange above for silence).
When shortening doesn't follow a general rule, but applies just to particular places within the text = when a vowel is short because it must rhyme with lines before and after, this IS reflected in the Arab-African text. So why not: all the time?
Here you see words from an Indian manuscript (from Surat Hūd) in which ONLY the vowel SIGNS count, the "lengthening" vowel letters are IGNORED (hence: NO sign above or below) ‒ al-farīqaini in the last line has jazm above the yāʾ because in the diphthong yāʾ is NOT silent.
((Added later: I first had seen just one manuscript from around 1800 with the sign-only
orthography, by now I have seen some more ‒ up to the time when lithographs became common,
lithographs with the modern/ mixed way of writing long vowel letters)
on the margin I added doctored versions: signs were moved to a place easier to read for the modern reader
The modern Indian system (black on white background) is a mix of the old consistent system and the African one: when the CORRESPONDING letter follows a vowel sign, the SHORT vowel sign is used (as in Africa), only when there is a different letter or no "lengthening" letter at all, the long vowel sign is used.
In 7:103, 10:75, 11:97 and 43:46 (and 10:83 with an added mīm for plural) pronounciation and rasm are the same; there is only disagreement on whether the alif or the yāʾ is mute:
wa-malaʾihī
IPak: وَمَلَا۠ئِهٖ
Q52: وَمَلَإِي۠هِۦ
In the rasm there are matres (ḥurūf al-madd) for both /a/ and /i/,
‒ indeed here letters (not consonants!) stand for short vowels,
because there was no other way to notice them.
in India alif is silent (the short fatḥa is valid, not the alif), yāʾ carries hamza,
in Arabia alif "carries" hamza below, yāʾ is silent.
In 21:34 ʾa-faʾin
IPak: افَا۠ئِنْ
Q52: اَفإي۠ن
India and osm/Tur make the alif silent
(Indians used to leave the alif without any sign, now they put the silent making circle,
Turks write qaṣr underneath)
for Arabs alif carries hamza, yāʾ is silent.
Muṣṭafā Naẓīf in one of his manuscripts (the 604 pages berkenar one) just drops the otiose letter. اَفَإنْ
It does not help to observe that in his other maṣāḥif he has the superfluous letter. The 604 page muṣḥaf is often reprinted (not as often as the 522 page one, but in different countries) without "correction".
Similar 6:24 min-nabaʾi
In Q52 alif "carries" hamza and /i/, yāʾ is silent and in IPak alif is silent, yāʾ carries hamza and /i/.
Showing posts with label long vowels. Show all posts
Showing posts with label long vowels. Show all posts
Sunday, 22 September 2019
Monday, 11 March 2019
India 1800 Long vowels
Gabriel Said Reynolds and others say that all Qur'anic texts are identical: letter for letter.
That does not mean that the prints say different things. They don't. They are similar enough -> mean the same. The differences that the exact same text allows in interpretation are certainly 100 times more significant than all the differences between different prints. Many differences are purely orthographic (such as folxheršaft and Volksherrschaft, night and nite, le roi and le rwa), others change the sense of a word, even a sentence, but do not really change the passage.
I am not at all concerned with contradictions in the Qur'an, with differences in content between one and another, I am only concerned with differences in orthography (that is, the spelling rules and particular cases).
Nor am I concerned with the differences between the seven/ten canonical readers, the fourteen/ twenty transmitters, the hundreds of tradents. These primarily concern the phonetic structure (sometimes a "min" or "wa", an alif or a consonant doubling more or less); the variants only say whether a vowel is lengthened fivefold or threefold, whether the basmala is repeated between two suras or a takbir is spoken before a particular one. I am not concerned with all this.
I am interested in the differences between Ottoman and Moroccan, Persian and Indian maṣāḥif ‒ and how the official Egyptian Qurʾān of 1924 differs from those before it. Because there is a lot of nonsense circulating about this.
Qurans differ in a hundred ways. I will not present this systematically. For example, reading style, writing style, lines per page, whether verses may be spread over two pages, whether 30th must begin on a new page, whether rukuʿat are displayed in the text and on the margin, whether verses have numbers and whether pages have custodians/catch words on the bottom of each (second) page, whether there are one, three, four, five, six ... or sixteen pause signs. All this can occur, but will not be systematically discussed.
I focus attention on two points:
the spelling of words, the Quranic vocabulary, so to speak ‒ although (unlike Le Dictionaire de l'Academie, Meriam-Webster, Duden) the same word is not to be written the same way in all places;
the rules of how vowel length, shortening and diphtongs are notated, like assimilation of consonants. I am particularly interested in prints.
There are two main spellings/set of rules: African (Maghrebi, Andalusian, Arabic) and Asian (Indo-Pakistani, Indonesian, Persian, Ottoman): Africans always need two signs for long vowels: a vowel sign and a matching elongating vowel letter; if the latter is not in the rasm, it is added in small (or a non-matching one is made suitable by a Changing-Alif).
Asians have three short vowel signs and three long vowel signs (plus Sukūn/Ǧazm). But according to today's IPak rules, for ū and ī, one uses the short vowel signs IF the matching vowel letter follows (which gets a ǧazm). With long ā, Persians and Ottomans/Turks always used the long vowel sign; Indians today use it only if no alif follows (i.e. wau, [dotless] yāʾ or no vowel at all); if an alif follows, the consonant before it only gets a Fatḥa. In the case of long-ī, Persians and Ottomans always used the Lang-ī sign (regardless of whether it is followed by yāʾ or not); Indians today proceed similarly to ā: if it is not followed by a yāʾ, the long-ī sign is used: before yāʾ, however, there is (only) Kasra and the yāʾ gets a ǧazm. (According to IPak, sign-less letters are silent!).
For long ū, Ottomans put "madd" under a wau; for the elongated personal pronoun -hū the elongation remains unnotated. Indians and Indonesians use the long ū sign but the short u sign before wau, while before 1800, Indians always used the long-ū-sign, following wau remained without any sign was thus silent (to be ignored when reading) ‒ if it is second part of the diphtong au, it got and gets a Ǧazm, thus is to be spoken. Always the long ī sign. Always the long-ā-sign. In other words:
In 1800, there were two systems of noting long vowels: the Maghrebian, which always included two parts, a vowel sign (fatḥa, kasra, ḍamma, imāla-point) and a lengthening vowel (belonging to the rasm or a small complement). And an Indian system based entirely on long vowel signs, in which the vowel letters present in the rasm were completely ignored. The Maghrebi system is used today in Africa and Arabia. The Indian system is used in weakened forms in Turkey, Persia, India and Indonesia. In India and Indonesia, IPak applies, where long ā continues to be used before (dotless) yāʾ, but before alif it has been replaced by fatḥa (like in the African system) Before ī-yāʾ / ū-waw stand kasra / ḍamma; abobve the vowel letter stands ǧazm ‒ otherwise they had no influence on pronounciation. The old Indian system only applies where no vowel letter follows. How widespread this clear Indian system was, I do not know. I came across several manuscripts using it, but no print.
the various editions of the Qur'an printed today (with only extra-ordinary exceptions) are identical, word for word, letter for letter.Nonsense! There are probably a thousand different ways of writing or typesetting Qurans.
"Introduction to The Qur'an in its Historical Context, Abingdon: Routledge 2008, p.1.
That does not mean that the prints say different things. They don't. They are similar enough -> mean the same. The differences that the exact same text allows in interpretation are certainly 100 times more significant than all the differences between different prints. Many differences are purely orthographic (such as folxheršaft and Volksherrschaft, night and nite, le roi and le rwa), others change the sense of a word, even a sentence, but do not really change the passage.
I am not at all concerned with contradictions in the Qur'an, with differences in content between one and another, I am only concerned with differences in orthography (that is, the spelling rules and particular cases).
Nor am I concerned with the differences between the seven/ten canonical readers, the fourteen/ twenty transmitters, the hundreds of tradents. These primarily concern the phonetic structure (sometimes a "min" or "wa", an alif or a consonant doubling more or less); the variants only say whether a vowel is lengthened fivefold or threefold, whether the basmala is repeated between two suras or a takbir is spoken before a particular one. I am not concerned with all this.
I am interested in the differences between Ottoman and Moroccan, Persian and Indian maṣāḥif ‒ and how the official Egyptian Qurʾān of 1924 differs from those before it. Because there is a lot of nonsense circulating about this.
Qurans differ in a hundred ways. I will not present this systematically. For example, reading style, writing style, lines per page, whether verses may be spread over two pages, whether 30th must begin on a new page, whether rukuʿat are displayed in the text and on the margin, whether verses have numbers and whether pages have custodians/catch words on the bottom of each (second) page, whether there are one, three, four, five, six ... or sixteen pause signs. All this can occur, but will not be systematically discussed.
I focus attention on two points:
the spelling of words, the Quranic vocabulary, so to speak ‒ although (unlike Le Dictionaire de l'Academie, Meriam-Webster, Duden) the same word is not to be written the same way in all places;
the rules of how vowel length, shortening and diphtongs are notated, like assimilation of consonants. I am particularly interested in prints.
There are two main spellings/set of rules: African (Maghrebi, Andalusian, Arabic) and Asian (Indo-Pakistani, Indonesian, Persian, Ottoman): Africans always need two signs for long vowels: a vowel sign and a matching elongating vowel letter; if the latter is not in the rasm, it is added in small (or a non-matching one is made suitable by a Changing-Alif).
Asians have three short vowel signs and three long vowel signs (plus Sukūn/Ǧazm). But according to today's IPak rules, for ū and ī, one uses the short vowel signs IF the matching vowel letter follows (which gets a ǧazm). With long ā, Persians and Ottomans/Turks always used the long vowel sign; Indians today use it only if no alif follows (i.e. wau, [dotless] yāʾ or no vowel at all); if an alif follows, the consonant before it only gets a Fatḥa. In the case of long-ī, Persians and Ottomans always used the Lang-ī sign (regardless of whether it is followed by yāʾ or not); Indians today proceed similarly to ā: if it is not followed by a yāʾ, the long-ī sign is used: before yāʾ, however, there is (only) Kasra and the yāʾ gets a ǧazm. (According to IPak, sign-less letters are silent!).
For long ū, Ottomans put "madd" under a wau; for the elongated personal pronoun -hū the elongation remains unnotated. Indians and Indonesians use the long ū sign but the short u sign before wau, while before 1800, Indians always used the long-ū-sign, following wau remained without any sign was thus silent (to be ignored when reading) ‒ if it is second part of the diphtong au, it got and gets a Ǧazm, thus is to be spoken. Always the long ī sign. Always the long-ā-sign. In other words:
In 1800, there were two systems of noting long vowels: the Maghrebian, which always included two parts, a vowel sign (fatḥa, kasra, ḍamma, imāla-point) and a lengthening vowel (belonging to the rasm or a small complement). And an Indian system based entirely on long vowel signs, in which the vowel letters present in the rasm were completely ignored. The Maghrebi system is used today in Africa and Arabia. The Indian system is used in weakened forms in Turkey, Persia, India and Indonesia. In India and Indonesia, IPak applies, where long ā continues to be used before (dotless) yāʾ, but before alif it has been replaced by fatḥa (like in the African system) Before ī-yāʾ / ū-waw stand kasra / ḍamma; abobve the vowel letter stands ǧazm ‒ otherwise they had no influence on pronounciation. The old Indian system only applies where no vowel letter follows. How widespread this clear Indian system was, I do not know. I came across several manuscripts using it, but no print.
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