Wednesday, 6 May 2026
some numbers
KFEI 1342/1924 printed in Giza + second print 1343/1924
kfeI 1343/1925 printed in Būlāq with six added seals/signatures and added أصله
kfeIb 1344/1926 Būlāq + second print/run stamped 1345/1927: two lines س saktah on (س)
kfeIc 1346/1928 ?????
kfeId 1347/1929 Būlāq this edition has TWO more changes: an added nūn on 775 ان لن for الن
and a changed dedication page mentioning the crown prince as well
whether 1347 brought these changes in one go or whether 1346 had one of them, I do not know since I have not seen a kfeIc (1346/1928); maybe it does not exist, maybe there was a third run of kfeIb in that year,
KFEII 1371/1952 printed by Dār al-Kutub in Lubūdīya St.
KFEIIa same as above with torn out alif and bāʾ (one leaf)
KFEIII 1952–1965 (or so) same as KFEII but without alif and bāʾ (skipped)
KFEII has about 950 changes to KFEI:
– about 515 changed pauses
– 114 changed sura title boxes
– 33 changed tanwīn at the end of the suras (i.e. fore the basmala)
– 4 changes in the rasm
– seven pages on these changes including the signatures of the 1952 editors
– س saktah on (س) – the only change taken from the Būlāq editions, neither
the seals, the changed dedication, ان لن , nor أصله are adopted
later KFE edition (III, IV, V) have just different men standing for the correctness of the edition, and different dates (nor either just runs, nor fresh editions)
kfeII is an unimportant "school edition"; the Amīrīya reused the plates of 1347/1929 with 37 changes made on the plates:
37 of the 666 made in the large edition, of course without the added text on the changes,
without the leaner sura title boxes, without the new pauses.
kfaII is so bad that the Amiriyya made an effort for a better small/cheap edition with the correct Q52 text (and pauses), before finally making a freshly set edition on 525 pages
with for possible pauses melted three into one (ۚ ۗ ۖ ۛ → ۚ ) latter KFE edition (III, IV, V) have just different men standing for the correctness of the edition, and different dates (nor either just runs, nor fresh editions)
btw, the 1952 change section has the same structure of signatures as the 1924 edition:
first, the Chief Qārī of Egypt.
At the end, simply attesting to the correctness:
the chief copy‑editor of the Amīriyya Press and the Shaykh al‑Azhar.
And in between, three more men, one of them an Arabist.
The only difference is: while in 1924 there were three men from the educational sector,
in 1952 three come from the religious sphere.
This picture from Muhammad Hozien shows that KFAII has 54 gatherings with 16 pages each. Probably KFAI has the same binding.
–
Amīriyya 1924 /1342
It had been initiated after Egypt’s independence from the Sublime Porte by Muḥammad Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif (1271/1855–1337/1919), director of the Arabic Department in the Ministry of Education نظارة المعارف .
The typesetting was carried out at the Amīriyya Press المطبعة الأميرية in Būlāq,
and the printing took place at the Survey of Egypt مصلحة المساحة in Giza, which possessed large offset presses for map production.
We have no reliable data on the size of the original print run. What can be said is that, a century later, fewer than a hundred copies can be traced in public catalogues and library holdings — the online catalogues currently show no surviving copy in Egypt. Since a second printing was produced in Giza the following year, the initial edition was probably well under one thousand. Here images from the copies held by Columbia and by Kiel University from the second run. It is no accident that the IDEO, when held a conference on the 1924 print, had not a single copy by the Amīrīya, just a book made by Muḥammad ʿAbdarRaḥmān called muṣḥaf al-muʿalim with 15 lines per page (instead of the original 12) (if you do not have an image of a KFE in your head, click here
Unlike the Muḫallalātī, the King Fuʾād Edition was not intended for scholars but for students.
It contained no tafsīr,
did not mention any verse‑counting systems other than the Kūfān,
and did not mark any readings other than that of Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim — which would have required colour printing or a refined system of marginal notes using established abbreviations.
In contrast to the traditional madrasa setting, where students memorized the text with a šaiḫ and did not actually read from the page, the new state schools expected pupils to read in the printed muṣḥaf; to make reading as easy as possible, fewer than 300 of the 406 sorts designed for unvowelled Arabic by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906 were used: since lām‑mīm ligatures or lām‑ḥāʾ‑hāʾ ligatures, for example, were never employed, all vowel signs could be placed exactly above (or below) the letter. That the text was strictly linear, with no stacked ligatures — a layout familiar from novels and newspapers — and that each page contained only twelve lines, was intended to make it accessible to a “secular” reading public.
Here why it is the King Fuʾād Edition: page alif – i.e. the first page after an empty page 1 and 826 pages of qurʾānic text, and an other empty page – from 1924:page alif, although no number is shown, but it is alif because three pages later is "dal" (د).
The KFE is not "The Cairo Edition" or "CE", because there are more than hundred different Cairo editions,
more than five Warš editions are really Cairo editions, some without Cairo being mentioned (many edition for Morocco), or even Algers given as publishing Place, others like Muḥammad Alī Ṣubaiḥ proudly mention Cairo reproduced by N. Suit, and those by al-Ḥalabi
Cairo Warš edition In the period between the "World Wars" several publishers published Warš maṣāḥif. Here some by Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī.
Some prints are difficult to read. Princeton digitalisated their copy, assuming it was artistically valuable they made it available to the public: BTW, there are 32 empty lines above sūra title boxes and ten on the bottom of pages:
–
Wednesday, 8 April 2026
facts about the KFE
it was a sign of the independance from Istanbul (Nov 1914) (not from the UK Feb 1922)
it was the first offset printed muṣḥaf
it was set with less than 300 sorts out of the 470 designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906
(out which 406 were Arabic sorts, the rest: Persian, numbers, punctuation)
Muḥ Ḥifnī Bey Nāsif had advoated a muṣḥaf for people educated in state scholar, reading novels and news papers: baseline orientated without stacked ligatures
before it was printed, all kasras were lifted on the galley proofs here you see the Amīrīya set text and the same text set in Hyderabad: mostly the same with the kasras just lifted, in the last example a different form of end-mīm was used (in the first line with the deep mīm kasratan are move slightly to the left)
the KFE(resp. al-Ḥaddād) did not reconstruct the spelling according to Ibn Naǧāh, he just follwed a Faz print
I base this assertion on two groups of facts: the adding of ġāliban in the information. first the original words 1342 to 1414: the 1420 version again in 2019 and in the grand edition: and ‒ stated its sources (although ... see below),
‒ adopted ‒ except for the Kufic counting,
and the pause signs, which were based on Eastern sources.
‒ the Maghrebi rasm (largely after Abū Dāʾūd Ibn Naġāḥ)
‒ the Maghrebi small substitute vowels for elongation
‒ the Maghrebian baseline hamzae before Alif at the beginning of the word (ءادم instead of اٰدم).
‒ the Maghrebic distinction into three kinds of tanwin (above each other, one after the other, with mīm)
‒ the Maghrebic spelling at the end of the sura, which assumes that the next sura is spoken immediately afterwards (and without basmala): tanwin is modified accordingly.
‒ the Maghrebic absence of nūn quṭni.
‒ the Maghrebic non-spelling of the vowel shortening.
‒ the Maghrebic (wrong) spelling of ʾallāh.
‒ the Maghrebī (and Indian) attraction of the hamza sign by kasra
in G24 hamza with kasra is below the baseline ‒ in the Ottoman Empire (include Egypt) and Iran the hamza stays above the line
‒ noted assimilation like in the Maghreb (an in India, Indonesia): In both examples the first three lines are Ottoman
(Rušdī, Ḥasan Riḍā in ʿIrāqī state editions, Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qairġalī Cairo 1911), in the middle Giza 1924
bellow Maġribī Warš editions ‒ note that in the older edition the second stem (vertical stroke) of لا is lam+šadda, while in the modern Algerian one, it is the first stroke
A new feature was the differentiation of the Maghrebic sukūn into three signs:
‒ the ǧazm in the form of an ǧīms without a tail and without a dot for vowel-lessness,
‒ the circle for never to be pronounced,
‒ the (oval) zero for "only pronounced if paused".
(while before ‒ as in IPak‒ the absence of any sign signifies "not to be pronounced"). Further, word spacing,
baseline orientation and
exact placement of dots and dashes.
legends about the King Fuʾād Edition aka the CE
the KFA fixed an ill-defined text
the KFA made Ḥafs ʿan ʿĀṣim predominant
the KFA was an immediate success all ober the Muslim world
... was the first printed muṣḥaf following the rasm al-ʿuṯmānī
... was the child of an Azhar committee
The committee worked 17 years on its text
... was the necessary reaction to tons of mistakes in importandt maṣāḥif (which had to be sunk in the Nile)
the source for rasm are not manuscripts, but the literature about it; it is therefore a reconstruction, the result of a rewriting of the usual text (Bergsträßer)
it follows Abū Daʾūd Sulaimān Ibn Naǧāḥ
the taʿrīf says: ad-Dānī and Ibn Naǧāḥ, and when they disagree: Ibn Naǧāḥ (hence Ibn N.)
Introductory Note
1. The oral form
The oral form of the Qurʾān — in this case the reading of Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim — is a system of recitation. It defines how the text is pronounced, sometimes a different vowel, a doubled consonant, or easing of hamza, elongations, assimilation, where pauses are mandatory, possible, or forbidden.It is transmitted orally, corrected orally, and mastered orally.
It can be written differently ‒ either fixing most aspects or leaving them to be taught orally.
2. The written form
2a the text
The written form is the choice of orthography: the spelling system and graphic code used to represent Ḥafṣ on the page (or in the data stream) ‒ a bundle of decisions:‒ the rasm, the letter skeleton;
‒ the spelling of long vowels;
‒ spelling initial hamza;
‒ mute/otios letters;
‒ the writing of (partial) assimilation;
‒ auxiliary signs: pause marks, verse numbers, saǧada signs, juzʾ and ḥizb markers, saktah signs, and the like.
Some aspects follow early manuscripts (in which alif, waw and yāʾ were not only written for /ʾ, w, y/ and /ā, ū, ī/, but for /a, u, i/, for differentiating between words that would be homographs without an imposed spelling distinction and for marking the end of a word ending with a letter without an explicit end-of-word-form (waw, dāl, ḏāl, rāʾ, zai).
In Asia/India/Indonesia long vowels are written by long-vowel-signs while Africa/Andalusia/the Maġrib has only three short vowel signs, needs extra lengthening letters: when there is no ḥarf al-madd in the rasm a small vowel letter is added.
initial hamza on alif is not marked in Asia (here an inital alif is a hamza) while in the West a small ʿain i.e. hamza-sign is needed
‒ both vowel dots/strokes and the hamza sign did not exist when spelling was fixed.
This layer is often misunderstood. It is a spelling system, chosen and applied by human editors. Different systems can represent the same recitation; the same system can be used for different recitations.
2b the graphic form
While the text is the data, the graphic form is the text rendered as an image ‒ the text is basic, the graphic forms are just variants.First different forms of ḍamma ‒ they are the same whatever Unicode says. next different forms of sukūn:
in the middle you see an East African muṣḥaf in which fatḥa+sukūn when the follow each other are joined (as if one sign)
below nūn ṣīla (nūn quṭnī) by the same calligapher, Hafiz ʿUṯmān the Elder: wheter the nūn is near the tanwīn or below the alif does not matter, it is the same. Whether it has an extra kasra nor not, either.
3. The book form
The book form is the physical and typographic realization: page size, margins, typeface, layout, title pages, appendices, indices, catch words, headers .... This layer answers questions like:‒ How many lines per page?
‒ Is there extra space between words?
‒ Is there a numbers after each verse, and are alternative ends of verse indicated?
‒ Must each juzʾ begin on a right‑hand page?
‒ Is there in the left bottom always an end of verse?
‒ Is there an index? A colophon? A table of aḥzāb? ‒ Are the suras counted or named only?
‒ Is the chronology of revelation indicated?
This layer is the most visible to readers, yet the least understood in scholarship. It is also the layer in which printers, not scholars, often have the final word.
The legends
Around the 1924 print, a cluster of persistent claims has grown. According to these stories, it was: ‒ the “Cairo Edition”, as if Cairo had produced only one muṣḥaf;‒ the Azhar Qurʾān, as if it had been conceived, edited, and issued by al‑Azhar;
‒ the product of a committee of four scholars working for seventeen years;
‒ a critical restoration of the Qurʾān based on the rasm treatise of Ibn Naǧāḥ.
‒ the first print with the rasm ʿuṯmānī instead of being imlāʾī1
rasm ʿuṯmānī vs. "rasm ʿuṯmānī" – "imlāʾī" vs. imlāʾī ...
Both terms are misleading. They suggest a meaning they do not actually carry.“Rasm ʿUṯmānī” appears to denote the rasm of the 1st‑century codices associated with ʿUṯmān. In reality, it refers to the 10th‑century codification by ad‑Dānī. The name evokes an origin and an authority that the system, as we have it, does not possess. The misleading effect comes directly from the term’s wording.
“Imlāʾī” functions in a similar way. It suggests the modern standard orthography of MSA. In fact, it refers to the Ottoman Qurʾān‑orthographic convention. This becomes immediately clear from the spelling of words such as raḥmn (for raḥmān) and ṣalū (for ṣalāt),
al-Ribā; 2:275; 2:275; 2:275; 2:276; 2:278; 3:130; 4:161; al-Ṣalāt; 70 x 2:3; 2:43; 2:45; 2:83; 2:110; 2:153; 2:177; 2:238; 2:277; 4:43; 4:77; 4:101; 4:102; 4:103; 4:103; 4:142; 4:162; 5:6; 5:12; 5:55; 5:58; 5:91; 5:106; 6:72; 6:92; 7:170; 8:3; 8:35; 9:5; 9:11; 9:18; 9:71; 10:87; 11:114; 13:22; 14:31; 14:37; 14:40; 17:78; 17:110; 19:31; 19:55; 20:14; 20:132; 21:73; 22:35; 22:41; 22:78; 24:37; 24:41; 24:56; 24:58; 24:58; 27:3; 29:45; 29:45; 30:31; 31:4; 33:33; 35:29; 42:38; 58:13; 62:9; 62:10; 73:20; 98:5; al-Ṣalāt; 70 x ṣalātī; 6:162; ṣalāti r-rasūli; 9:99; ṣalātaka; 9:103; a-ṣalātuka; 11:87; ṣalātihim; 107:5; al-Zakāt; 32x from 2:43 to 98:5; 2:43; 2:83; 2:110; 2:177; 2:277; 4:77; 4:162; 5:12; 5:55; 7:156; 9:5; 9:11; 9:18; 9:71; 19:13; 19:31; 19:55; 21:73; 22:41; 22:78; 23:4; 24:37; 24:56; 27:3; 30:39; 31:4; 33:33; 41:7; 58:13; 73:20; 98:5; al-Ḥayāt; 55x from 2:85 to 89:24; 2:85; 2:86; 2:96; 2:212; 3:14; 3:117; 4:74; 4:94; 6:32; 6:70; 6:130; 7:32; 7:51; 9:38; 9:38; 9:55; 9:85; 10:7; 10:23; 10:64; 11:15; 13:26; 13:26; 13:34; 14:3; 16:107; 17:75; 18:28; 18:45; 18:46; 20:131; 28:60; 28:61; 28:79; 29:25; 29:64; 30:7; 33:28; 35:5; 40:39; 40:51; 41:31; 42:36; 43:32; 43:35; 45:24; 45:35; 46:20; 53:29; 57:20; 67:2; 79:38; 87:16; 89:24; al-Ribā; 2:275 (3x);276;278; 3:130; 4:161; al-Ṣalāt; 70 x ṣalātī; 6:162; ṣalāti r-rasūli; 9:99; ṣalātaka; 9:103; a-ṣalātuka; 11:87; ṣalātihim; 107:5; al-Zakāt; 32x from 2:43 to 98:5; al-Ḥayāt; 55x from 2:85 to 89:24; wa-Manāta; 53:20; al-Najāt; 40:41; ka-miškātin; 24:35; bi-l-ghadāti; 6:52; 18:28;
al-Ribā;الرِّبَوٰا;2:275;2:275;2:275;2:276;2:278;3:130;4:161;al-Ṣalāt;الصَّلَوٰةُ;2:3;2:43;2:45;2:83;2:110;2:153;2:177;2:238;2:277;4:43;4:77;4:101;4:102;4:103;4:103;4:142;4:162;5:6;5:12;5:55;5:58;5:91;5:106;6:72;6:92;7:170;8:3;8:35;9:5;9:11;9:18;9:71;10:87;11:114;13:22;14:31;14:37;14:40;17:78;17:110;19:31;19:55;20:14;20:132;21:73;22:35;22:41;22:78;24:37;24:41;24:56;24:58;24:58;27:3;29:45;29:45;30:31;31:4;33:33;35:29;42:38;58:13;62:9;62:10;73:20;98:5;ṣalātī;صَلَاتِي;6:162;ṣalāti r-rasūli;صَلَوٰتِ الرَّسُولِ;9:99;ṣalātaka;صَلَوٰتَكَ;9:103;a-ṣalātuka;أَصَلَوٰتُكَ;11:87;ṣalātihim;صَلَاتِهِمْ;107:5;al-Zakāt;الزَّكَوٰةُ;2:43;2:83;2:110;2:177;2:277;4:77;4:162;5:12;5:55;7:156;9:5;9:11;9:18;9:71;19:13;19:31;19:55;21:73;22:41;22:78;23:4;24:37;24:56;27:3;30:39;31:4;33:33;41:7;58:13;73:20;98:5;al-Ḥayāt;الْحَيَوٰةُ;2:85;2:86;2:96;2:212;3:14;3:117;4:74;4:94;6:32;6:70;6:130;7:32;7:51;9:38;9:38;9:55;9:85;10:7;10:23;10:64;11:15;13:26;13:26;13:34;14:3;16:107;17:75;18:28;18:45;18:46;20:131;28:60;28:61;28:79;29:25;29:64;30:7;33:28;35:5;40:39;40:51;41:31;42:36;43:32;43:35;45:24;45:35;46:20;53:29;57:20;67:2;79:38;87:16;89:24;wa-Manāta;وَمَنَوٰةَ;53:20;al-Najāt;النَّجَاة;40:41;ka-miškātin;كَمِشْكَوٰةٍ;24:35;bi-l-ghadāti;بِالْغَدَوٰةِ;6:52;18:28; الرِّبَوٰا 2:275,278, 3:130, 4:161 2:3, 2:43, 2:45, 2:83, 2:110, 2:153, 2:177, 2:238, 2:277Sure 4:43, 4:77, 4:101, 4:102, 4:103 (wird im Vers 103 2-mal so geschrieben), 4:142, 4:162Sure 5:6, 5:12, 5:55, 5:58, 5:91, 5:106Sure 6:72, 6:92Sure 7:170Sure 8:3, 8:35Sure 9:5, 9:11, 9:18, 9:71Sure 10:87Sure 11:114Sure 13:22Sure 14:31, 14:37, 14:40Sure 17:78, 17:110Sure 19:31, 19:55Sure 20:14, 20:132Sure 21:73Sure 22:35, 22:41, 22:78Sure 24:37, 24:41, 24:56, 24:58 (wird im Vers 58 2-mal so geschrieben)Sure 27:3 29:45 (wird im Vers 45 2-mal so geschrieben)Sure 30:31Sure 31:4Sure 33:33Sure 35:29Sure 42:38Sure 58:13Sure 62:9, 62:10Sure 73:20Sure 98:5 Im Singular ohne Artikel (als Konstruktverbindung ṣalāt- mit stummem Wāw):Sure 6:162 (ṣalātī)Sure 9:99 (ṣalāti r-rasūli)Sure 9:103 (ṣalātaka)Sure 11:87 (a-ṣalātuka)Sure 24:58 (ṣalāti l-fajri und ṣalāti l-ʿišāʾi – beide bereits oben in Vers 58 mitgezählt)Sure 62:9 (ṣalāti min yawmi l-jumuʿati – bereits oben in Vers 9 mitgezählt)Sure 107:5 (ṣalātihim) ; (الزَّكَوٰةُ)Dieses Wort taucht im Koran fast immer gekoppelt mit dem Gebet auf und behält stets sein stummes Wāw:Sure 2:43, 2:83, 2:110, 2:177, 2:277Sure 4:77, 4:162Sure 5:12, 5:55Sure 7:156Sure 9:5, 9:11, 9:18, 9:71Sure 18:81 (hier unbestimmt als zakātan, im Rasm jedoch historisch uneinheitlich überliefert; in den Standard-Maṣāḥif nach Hafs meist mit Alif geschrieben, in manchen Überlieferungen der alt-mekkanischen Schreibung mit Wāw geführt)Sure 19:13, 19:31, 19:55Sure 21:73Sure 22:41, 22:78 23:4, 24:37, 24:56, 27:3, 30:39 31:4, 33:33 41:7 58:13 73:20, 98:54. al-Ḥayāt (الْحَيَوٰةُ) 2:85, 2:86, 2:96, 2:212, 3:14 3:117 4:74 , 4:94, 6:32, 6:70, 6:130 7:32, 7:51 9:38, 9: 38 2-mal so geschrieben), 9:55, 9:85, 10:7, 10:23, 10:64, 11:15, 13:26 (wird im Vers 26 2-mal so geschrieben), 13:34 14:3 16:107Sure 17:75 Sure 17:75Sure 18:28, 18:45, 18:46Sure 20:131Sure 28:60, 28:61, 28:79Sure 29:25, 29:64Sure 30:7Sure 33:28Sure 35:5Sure 40:39, 40:51Sure 41:31Sure 42:36Sure 43:32, 43:35Sure 45:24, 45:35Sure 46:20Sure 53:29Sure 57:20Sure 67:2 Sure 79:38Sure 87:16Sure 89:245. Manāt (مَنَاة)Der Name der Gottheit hat das stumme Wāw an seiner einzigen Fundstelle:Sure 53:20 (geschrieben als wa-Manāwta, gesprochen wa-Manāta)6. al-Najāt (النَّجَاة)Das Wort für Rettung besitzt das stumme Wāw ebenfalls an seiner einzigen Stelle im Koran:Sure 40:41 (geschrieben als al-Najāwti, gesprochen al-Najāti) Miškāt (مِشْكَاة)Die Nische aus dem Licht-Vers wird mit stummem Wāw geschrieben:Sure 24:35 (geschrieben als ka-miškāwtin, gesprochen ka-miškātin)8. al-Ghadāt (الغَدَاة)Das Wort für den Morgen kommt an zwei Stellen mit dem stummen Wāw vor:Sure 6:52 (geschrieben als bi-l-ghadāwti, gesprochen bi-l-ghadāti)Sure 18:28 (geschrieben als bi-l-ghadāwti, gesprochen bi-l-ghadāti) الصَّلَوٰةُ forms that deliberately diverge from normal.
BTW, the Ottoman spelling has just about 5150 alifs where G24 has a dagger, while G24 differs at about 32 000 words from IPak
Except for the sequence IsoHamza+Alif, which was adopted from the Maghreb in 1890 and 1924 (alif+madda was not possible, since madda was already taken for elongation), everything here is already as it was in 1924.
Two title pages of Lucknow prints from 1870 and 1877. In 1895, a Qur'an appeared in Būlāq in ʿuṯmānī rasm, which perhaps meant "unvocalised". Kitāb Tāj at-tafāsīr li-kalām al-malik al-kabīr taʼlīf Muḥammad ʿUṯmān ibn as-Saiyid Muḥammad Abī Bakr ibn as-Saiyid ʻAbdAllāh al-Mīrġanī al-Maḥǧūb al-Makkī. Wa-bi-hāmišihi al-Qurʼān al-Maǧīd marsūman bi'r-rasm al-ʿUṯmānī.
↩︎ return‒ it spread the reading of Ḥafṣ
These narratives are tidy, appealing ‒ and wrong.
Ḥafṣ was made dominant by non-Arab ruler (the Mamelucks, the Ottomans, Safavid, Timurids) because Ḥafṣ is closes to normal Arabic.
In reality, the text was prepared by one man. There is no trace of deliberation, no evidence of a commission, and no sign that the text was systematically discussed with others before it went to press.
What G24 actually did
The 1924 text — which I call G24, because the King-Fuʾād-Edition was printed in Giza — fixed a specific orthographic system for Ḥafṣ. It is not new at all. Muḥammad (ibn) Ḫalaf (ibn) ʿAlī al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād al-Malakī just switched from the Ottoman version of the Asian spelling to the Maġribī or Anadusian system. This orthography and pause system is possible in letterpress, lithography, or manuscript form ‒ or as digital text.What KFA/kfa actually are
The book form that carried this text existed in two stable sizes only:‒ KFA for the 27‑cm format,
‒ kfa for the 20‑cm format.
(more about the differences later)
Both contain 826 pages of Qurʾān text plus 23 pages of dedication, explanation, index, and colophon.
The smaller kfa is not a shortened version. It is the same book, reduced in size. The type area — the text block — is only about ten percent smaller. What disappears is the margin: the generous white space of the KFA is reduced to the width of the medaillions for ǧuz, ḥizb, saktah and saǧada.
The KFA was the first offset muṣḥaf, it was a government edition, meant for students in government schools, who should be able to read it easily without a šaiḫ reciting it for them. That is why its initiator Ḥifni Bey Nāṣif wanted that only about 300 sorts were used = no stacked ligatures, no vertical ones like on the right. This baseline-aligned script was new ‒ and lives on in the ʿUṯmān Ṭaha Madina muṣḥaf.
Thus:
‒ G24 = the text (orthography, pause signs, liturgical divisions: juzʾ and ḥizb).
‒ KFA/kfa = the book (827+20‑pages, no title page, no duʿāʾ, two sizes).
the Indian text I call IPak, its book forms IPak611 (berkenar), IPak848 (South Africa), IPak 549 etc.
the Maġribī text And(alūs), the Ottoman text Ott, the modern Turkish standard CT
MNQ522 and MNQ604 are by Muṣṭafā Nāẓīf Qadirġalī
Kazan is a text standard, so are MSI 1983, MSI 2002, MSI 2019 for Indonesia
Ṭabo-Našr has a rasm of it own, a nIran spelling convention, but prints maṣāḥif an other spellings too
For centuries, the pedagogy of Qurʾānic recitation has been built on differences. Students did not merely learn one reading; they learned how each reading diverged from the others. The Šāṭibīya is the classic monument of this culture: a mnemonic architecture in which the variants of the seven canonical readings are encoded verse by verse. Tens of thousands of Muslims memorized these differences, and the great reciters carried them effortlessly. A master like Muḥammad Ḫalaf ʿAlī al‑Ḥusainī al‑Ḥaddād al‑Malikī could recite the divergences between Ḥafṣ and Warš as naturally as other people recall their own birthdays. This was the professional world of the Šaiḫ al‑Maqāriʾ al‑Miṣrī, the man who prepared the 1924 text. He was a guardian of the oral form of the Qurʾān — not a specialist in early manuscripts, not a reader of ad‑Dānī or Ibn Naǧāḥ, not a calligrapher, and not a typesetter. His task was not to reconstruct an ancient rasm. What he actually did was straightforward: he took a printed Moroccan Warš muṣḥaf from Fès — at that time the only widely available Warš edition in print — and mapped the oral Ḥafṣ reading onto its Maġribī written form. In other words, the 1924 text is the result of applying an Egyptian oral tradition to a Fès‑based Maġribī textual template. That was the entire editorial operation. If not convinced, read this.
Sunday, 1 March 2026
Asma Hilali again
who had nothing to do with it. It was edited by al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād. It was set with about 300 of the 406 Arabic of the sorts designed in 1906 by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey (m. 1916) ‒ stacked ligatures, and mīm without white in the middle were used in the afterwords, but not in the qurʾānic text because Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif wanted it to be clear = easily readable (and with space between words, and between lines).
And she give a sources:
La décision du roi Fuʾād de confier au cheikh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Rifāʿī (m. 1936) la tâche d’éditer le Coran a-t-elle représenté une initiative marginale aux yeux des historiens de l’islam moderne² ? ²ʿAzab, Ḫālid & Ḥasan, Muḥammad, Diwān al-Ḫaṭṭ al-ʿarabī fī Miṣr. Dirāsa waṯāʾiqiyya li-l-kitābāt wa-ahamm al-ḫaṭṭāṭīn fī ʿaṣr Usrat Muḥammad ʿAlī, al-Iskandariyya, Maktabat al-Iskandariyya, 2010, p. 383.On p. 383 there is nothing of what Asma claims. Just that ar-Rifāʿī wrote a muṣḥaf for the king – nothing about the Amīrīya edition of 1924! Both her claims are typical Asma Hilali = her imagination without factual base.
... Muḥammad ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Rifāʿī (m. 1936), ce dernier étant le calligraphe du Coran du Roi Fuʾād.
And for a typeset muṣḥaf, for a muṣḥaf famous for being typeset, that it was calligrahped is even more Asma-like than ordinary.
–
Monday, 27 January 2025
When was the KFE made?
he often takes what is said/written at face value.
E.g. he believes that already in 1912 the government wanted an new mushaf, that "the committee" started to work long before 1919.
Asma Hilal writes in her introduction/"Liminaire" to the journal the opposite, that King Fu'ad initiated the book in 1924And he takes as a fact that its publication in 1924 had to do with Fu'ad's ambition to become caliph.
So he has to assume that the project got "forgotten"(oublié) and later revived (évoqué à nouveau),
As I see it, he overlooks three important points:
that Egypt declared its independence from the Ottoman Empire at the end of 1914 (after 300 years),
that the KFE was not a newly deviced written version as the Muḫallalati, but that the initiators wanted a non-Ottoman version (in a different spelling and not in high-court-nasḫ),
that the main objective of (modernists in the Ministry of Education like) Hifni Bey was an easily readable version:
baseline,
clear (positional) link between vowel sign and base letter,
space between words,
space between lines
I assume that the date of 12/13. January 1919 when the members of the commitee, the proof reader of the press and the Shaikh al-azhar signed is fictious, it is a couple of days before Hifni Bey died.
I assume that al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād wrote the muṣḥaf to be set half a year or so before the book got printed, but that the government wanted to include the initiator of the project among the signiatories, so it had to be dated before his death.
Aziz Hilal is better than his fellows because he puts the emergence of the muṣḥaf into a historical context
‒ the power struggle between king/the palace, parliament/the bourgeoisie (and azhar/the ʿulemaʾ) and
‒ the caliphal aspirations after the abolition of the Ottoman caliphate on 3.3.1924,
forgetting Egypt's having left the Ottoman Empire after the start of WWI
His most original discovery is, that the only discussion of the KFE is by a German, by Gotthelf Bergsträßer,
that Egyptian, Turkish, Arab, Indian, Indonesian and Persian ʿulemaʾ, politicans and intellectuals ignore it, or ‒ at least ‒ were silent and mute about it.
As important examples he cites
‒ the Diary/Journal by Muḥammad al-Aḥmadī al-Ẓawāhirī, Šaiḫ al-Azhar 1929‒1935
‒ al-Azhar by ʿUṯmān Tawfīq and ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd Yūnus, 1946
‒ al-Muslimūn wa-l-Aqbāṭ fī iṭār al-ǧamāʿa al-waṭaniyya, by Ṭāriq al-Bišrī, 1981, 899pp.
None mentions the KFE at all.
Ali Akbar and Necmettin Gökkır informed the conference that in the Malay world nobody, in Turkey just some experts took note of the event in Egypt.
Omar Hamdan's article is almost useless.
His conlusion ‒ that the KFE does not closely follow the old mss, but either ad-Dānī/Abu Daʾud or a modern print (maybe the Muḫallalātī), was obvious before he started looking at it.
If he had compared the KFE with both the Muqniʿ and the Tanzīl, and with an Indian print, a Maġribī print and the Muḫallalātī (plus an Ottoman print) instead of only with mss., the paper would have been useful.
I assume that it would have shown that it follows most closely the Maġrib (indirctly Abu Daʾud Sulaimān Ibn Naǧāḥ).
some quotes from Azīz Hial's article:
Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl al-Ǧīzāwī (1874-1927), en poste entre 1917 et 1927
Signalons que son nom est mystérieusement remplacé par « ṣāḥib al-faḍīla, šayḫ ǧāmiʿ al-Azhar ». ‒ In the first small edition there is a seal: Muḥammad ʿAbu'l-faḍl
Dès 1912, le gouvernement égyptien comptait éditer un muṣḥaf qui dépasse en qualité et en précision celui de Riḍwān al-Muḫallalātī. no source given
La postface à la première édition date du 10 rabīʿ al-ṯānī 1337 (13 janvier 1919)
Pourquoi ne pas se contenter de reprendre le muṣḥaf de Riḍwān al-Muḫallalātī et le corriger ?
si la postface de ce muṣḥaf porte la date du 13 janvier 1919, pourquoi attendre le 10 juillet 1924 pour le publier ?
C’est dans ce contexte que le muṣḥaf, oublié depuis 1919, est à nouveau évoqué, afin de fournir un supplément de légitimité à la candidature du roi Fuʿād.
I disagree on most things. For me the date 13.1.1919 is fictious, it two week before Ḥifnī Bey's death. Ii is made to jonour him. And the date in al-Ḥaddāds seal is twi years later! Aziz Hilal assumes that the makes of the government muṣḥaf took a douzend years, I think, it took the one man who prepared the text (i.e. the written form ‒ the oral form being fixed for centuries) just a few weeks.
A major flaw in the author’s argument is the assumption that the 1924 royal muṣḥaf served—or was intended to serve—as “un instrument au service de la candidature du roi Fuʾād au califat”. The text asserts that “ce geste réhausserait le prestige du roi”, yet simultaneously concedes that the edition “est passée inaperçue” and that contemporary political events “l’ont reléguée au second plan”.
This creates a practical contradiction. A propagandistic instrument cannot have a legitimizing effect if no propaganda is actually carried out. There is no evidence that the edition was publicized, invoked, or even mentioned by any of the religious or political actors of the time. No Azhar scholar refers to it, no newspaper discusses it, and no caliphate congress cites it or distributes it. If the muṣḥaf was meant to strengthen Fuʾād’s candidacy, it is striking that none of the proponents of that candidacy ever used it.
The paper by Asma Hilali can be reduced to one sentence:
While in the 19th century, the Flügel edition served many Orientalists as text of reference,
now the text of the KFE, the Madina Mushaf (Ḥafṣ by the KFComplex) and the simplified text of tanzil.net serve as reference.
Here I have to congratulate. Three years ago, in the inviation to (her) conference, she had written
... l’édition du Coran du Caire ... est d’une importance capitale dans la société musulmane moderne et contemporaine ... L’édition du Caire met à disposition des musulmans ... une version du texte coranique qui deviendra progressivement la référence religieuse, liturgique ... la plus populaire dans le monde islamique. ... la popularité du Coran du Caire n’a jamais été remise en cause. ... un événement religieux s’adressant aux musulmans ... Ainsi, l’avènement du Coran du Caire a une portée qui dépasse la sphère de la croyance et qui prend sa place dans l’histoire de la civilisation islamique : histoire des institutions, histoire matérielle, histoire de la pensée religieuse et des études islamiques.All this bla-bla is gone. Al-ḥamdu-llāh
So one can't say that A.H. has learned NOTHING in the four years that she prepared the conference and journal nummer.
But although she thanks Alba Fedeli, Antoinette Ferrand and Dennis Halft for commenting and correcting her text,
she still gets most things about the KFE wrong,
and she lies: She writes that Ali Akbar had said that the KFE has no singular place, is just one among maṣāḥif from Singapore, Bombay, Lucknow and Istanbul.
During the conference Ali Akbar had said: There is no trace what so ever of the KFE. Maybe, students in Cairo or Mekka pilmgrims have brought a copy, but we do not know!
There are unbelievable statements by A.H.:
Although the KFE is important, because it is the first type set offset print of the qurʾān,
A.H. writes in the introduction of the journal that the KFE was both edited and calligraphed by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Rifāʿī,
who had nothing to do with it. It was edited by al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād. It was set with about 300 of the 406 Arabic sorts designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey (m. 1916) ‒ stacked ligatures, and mīm without white in the middle
were used in the afterwords, but not in the qurʾānic text because Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif wanted it to be clear = easily readable.
Is it that A.H. is stupid or is this the consequence of the fact that she has never held a copy in her hands, that the IDEO did not acquire one of the many copies on the market?
That she calls putting a number after each verse « versification » (instead of « numérotation » ) suggests the former.
She claims that there was a special Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir edition, which I doubt because she does not give the date of publication, and a King Fārūq Edition, which is definetly wrong.
‒
Sunday, 6 October 2024
Best Sellers
By that time, both in Iran and India printing maṣāḥif had began, but only after 1865 they were mass produced, and affordable.
Since they were even sold in the Ottoman empire, the ban against printing the scripture was lifted: So maṣāḥif written by Hafiz Osman and Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qadirġalī became best selling in Istanbul, Syria and Egypt.
here one of several MNQ from Tehran The important editions by Muḫallalātī and al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād (HH) did not sell well ‒ the KFE at least not to Egyptians; they prefered the 522 pages written by Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qadirġalī ‒ now often in the reform /Andalusian/ HH orthography, but at least until 1967 in new editions in the original Ottoman spelling.
on the left from a 1981 MNQ Cairo edition on 522 pages, on the right the original: a MNQ from Bairut The top seller in Egypt was a line by line copy of the MNQ 522pager written by Muḥammad Saʿd Ibrāhīm al-Ḥaddād famous under the name of the publisher: aš-Šamarlī.
What is mostly ignored: Šamarlī published MNQ in the new orthography even in the 1960s: The government press, al-Amīriyya, tried to compete: in 1976 they produced a type set version with 15 lines on 525 pages. For more than a decade they made at least four different sizes: from small in flexibel plastic to Mosque size.

on the left from the pocket version 1977, on the right the normal one the large Qaṭarī reprint 1988 Although the KFE was almost only sold to oritentalists, in the seventies many publisher "remade" it on there light tables (layout tables): the cut films they had made of the 12 liner and rearranged them: either just more lines on a page as was first done around 1933 in the "muṣḥaf al-malik" al-maṭbʿa al-miṣiriyya (Muḥammad Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Laṭīf) printed in offset I assume: die rechte Seite bekam immer einen Kustoden. Gelegentlich wurde eine Schmuckzeile ein gefügt, damit eine Sure auf einer neuen Seite anfangen kann. Der Verleger hat zu seinem neu umbrochenen und neu gerahmten auch einen Tafsīr veröffentlicht: Marwān Sowār, Damascus: Dār aš-Šurūq: or more and longer lines: links: Bairut 1983, Mitte: Kairo 1391/1971, rechts: Jordanischer Nachdruck eines Damaszener Nachdrcks von Kairo 1952
some editions with tafsir keep the original pages other rearange the text None of these were best sellers, but combined they spread the new spelling in spite of the KFE being extremely unpopular.
Now in the Arab world and Malaysia ʿUṯmān Ṭaha versions dominate.
In India and Bangla Desh reprints of Tāj Comp. Ltd versions can be found everywhere, while in Pakistan there is fierce competion.
In South Africa Taj's 848 pages 13liner dominates, although the latest version of WII (Waterval Islamic Institute) is set in a UT like font.
a counterfactual history ...
... of Qurʾānic printing. The revisted KFEII (1952: 827 typeset pages, 12 lines) provided the text (Q52) for three fully berKenar maṣā...
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40 years ago Adrian Alan Brockett submitted his Ph.D. to the University of St.Andrews: Studies in Two Transmissions of the Qurʾān . Now...
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Although it is often written that the King Fuʾād Edition fixed a somehow unclear text, and established the reading of Ḥafṣ according to ʿĀ...
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from a German blog coPilot made this English one Iranian Qur'an Orthography: Editorial Principles and Variants The Iranian مرکز...






















































































