Wednesday, 6 May 2026
Amīriyya 1924 /1342
It had been initiated after Egypt’s independence from the Sublime Porte by Muḥammad Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif (1271/1855–1337/1919), director of the Arabic Department in the Ministry of Education نظارة المعارف .
The typesetting was carried out at the Amīriyya Press المطبعة الأميرية in Būlāq,
and the printing took place at the Survey of Egypt مصلحة المساحة in Giza, which possessed large offset presses for map production.
We have no reliable data on the size of the original print run. What can be said is that, a century later, fewer than a hundred copies can be traced in public catalogues and library holdings — the online catalogues currently show no surviving copy in Egypt. Since a second printing was produced in Giza the following year, the initial edition was probably well under one thousand. Here images from the copies held by Columbia and by Kiel University from the second run. It is no accident that the IDEO, when held a conference on the 1924 print, had not a single copy by the Amīrīya, just a book made by Muḥammad ʿAbdarRaḥmān called muṣḥaf al-muʿalim with 15 lines per page (instead of the original 12) (if you do not have an image of a KFE in your head, click here
Unlike the Muḫallalātī, the King Fuʾād Edition was not intended for scholars but for students.
It contained no tafsīr,
did not mention any verse‑counting systems other than the Kūfān,
and did not mark any readings other than that of Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim — which would have required colour printing or a refined system of marginal notes using established abbreviations.
In contrast to the traditional madrasa setting, where students memorized the text with a šaiḫ and did not actually read from the page, the new state schools expected pupils to read in the printed muṣḥaf; to make reading as easy as possible, fewer than 300 of the 406 sorts designed for unvowelled Arabic by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906 were used: since lām‑mīm ligatures or lām‑ḥāʾ‑hāʾ ligatures, for example, were never employed, all vowel signs could be placed exactly above (or below) the letter. That the text was strictly linear, with no stacked ligatures — a layout familiar from novels and newspapers — and that each page contained only twelve lines, was intended to make it accessible to a “secular” reading public.
Here why it is the King Fuʾād Edition: page alif – i.e. the first page after an empty page 1 and 826 pages of qurʾānic text, and an other empty page – from 1924:page alif, although no number is shown, but it is alif because three pages later is "dal" (د).
The KFE is not "The Cairo Edition" or "CE", because there are more than hundred different Cairo editions,
more than five Warš editions are really Cairo editions, some without Cairo being mentioned (many edition for Morocco), or even Algers given as publishing Place, others like Muḥammad Alī Ṣubaiḥ proudly mention Cairo reproduced by N. Suit, and those by al-Ḥalabi
Cairo Warš edition In the period between the "World Wars" several publishers published Warš maṣāḥif. Here some by Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī.
Some prints are difficult to read. Princeton digitalisated their copy, assuming it was artistically valuable they made it available to the public: BTW, there are 32 empty lines above sūra title boxes and ten on the bottom of pages:
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Wednesday, 8 April 2026
facts about the KFE
it was a sign of the independence from Istanbul (Nov 1914) (not from the UK Feb 1922)
it was the first offset printed muṣḥaf
it was set with less than 300 sorts out of the 470 designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906
(out which 4o6 were Arabic sorts, the rest: Persian, numbers, punctuation)
Muḥ Ḥifnī Bey Nāsif had advoated a muṣḥaf for people educated in state scholar, reading novels and news papers: baseline orientated without stacked ligatures
before it was printed, all karsas were lifted on the galley proofs here you see the Amīrīya set text and the same text set in Hyderabad: mostly the same with the kasras just lifted, in the last example a different form of end-mīm was used (in the first line with the deep mīm kasratan are move slightly to the left)
legends about the King Fuʾād Edition aka the CE
the KFA fixed an ill-defined text
the KFA made Ḥafs ʿan ʿĀṣim predominant
the KFA was an immediate success all ober the Muslim world
... was the first printed muṣḥaf following the rasm al-ʿuṯmānī
... was the child of an Azhar committee
The committee worked 17 years on its text
... was the necessary reaction to tons of mistakes in importandt maṣāḥif (which had to be sunk in the Nile)
Sunday, 1 March 2026
Asma Hilali again
who had nothing to do with it. It was edited by al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād. It was set with about half of the sorts designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey (m. 1916) ‒ stacked ligatures, and mīm without white in the middle were used in the afterwords, but not in the qurʾānic text because Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif wanted it to be clear = easily readable (and with space between words, and between lines).
And she give a sources:
La décision du roi Fuʾād de confier au cheikh ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Rifāʿī (m. 1936) la tâche d’éditer le Coran a-t-elle représenté une initiative marginale aux yeux des historiens de l’islam moderne² ? ²ʿAzab, Ḫālid & Ḥasan, Muḥammad, Diwān al-Ḫaṭṭ al-ʿarabī fī Miṣr. Dirāsa waṯāʾiqiyya li-l-kitābāt wa-ahamm al-ḫaṭṭāṭīn fī ʿaṣr Usrat Muḥammad ʿAlī, al-Iskandariyya, Maktabat al-Iskandariyya, 2010, p. 383.On p. 383 there is nothing of what Asma claims. Just that ar-Rifāʿī wrote a muṣḥaf for the king – nothing about the Amīrīya edition of 1924!
... Muḥammad ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Rifāʿī (m. 1936), ce dernier étant le calligraphe du Coran du Roi Fuʾād.
Both her claims are typical Asma Hilali = her imagintion without factual base.
And for a typeset muṣḥaf, for a muṣḥaf famous for being typeset, that it was calligrahped is even more Asma-like than ordinary.
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Monday, 27 January 2025
When was the KFE made?
he often takes what is said/written at face value.
E.g. he believes that already in 1912 the government wanted an new mushaf, that "the committee" started to work long before 1919.
Asma Hilal writes in her introduction/"Liminaire" to the journal the opposite, that King Fu'ad initiated the book in 1924And he believes that its publication in 1924 had to do with Fu'ad's ambition to become caliph.
So he has to assume that the project got "forgotten"(oublié) and later revived (évoqué à nouveau),
As I see it, he overlooks three important points:
that Egypt declared its independence from the Ottoman Empire at the end of 1914 (after 300 years),
that the KFE was not a newly deviced written version as the Muḫallalati, but that the initiators wanted a non-Ottoman version (in a different spelling and not in high-court-nasḫ), that the main objective of (modernists in the Ministry of Education like) Hifni Bey was an easily readable version:
baseline,
clear (positional) link between vowel sign and base letter,
space between words,
space between lines
I assume that the date of 12/13. January 1919 when the members of the commitee, the proof reader of the press and the Shaikh al-azhar signed is fictious, it is a couple of days before Hifni Bey died.
I assume that al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād wrote the muṣḥaf to be set half a year or so before the book got printed, but that the government wanted to include the initiator of the project among the signiatories, so it had to be dated before his death.
Aziz Hilal is better than his fellows because he puts the emergence of the muṣḥaf into a historical context
‒ the power struggle between king/the palace, parliament/the bourgeoisie (and azhar/the ʿulemaʾ) and
‒ the caliphal aspirations after the abolition of the Ottoman caliphate on 3.3.1924,
forgetting Egypt's having left the Ottoman Empire after the start of WWI
His most original discovery is, that the only discussion of the KFE is by a German, by Gotthelf Bergsträßer,
that Egyptian, Turkish, Arab, Indian, Indonesian and Persian ʿulemaʾ, politicans and intellectuals ignore it, or ‒ at least ‒ were silent and mute about it.
As important examples he cites
‒ the Diary/Journal by Muḥammad al-Aḥmadī al-Ẓawāhirī, Šaiḫ al-Azhar 1929‒1935
‒ al-Azhar by ʿUṯmān Tawfīq and ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd Yūnus, 1946
‒ al-Muslimūn wa-l-Aqbāṭ fī iṭār al-ǧamāʿa al-waṭaniyya, by Ṭāriq al-Bišrī, 1981, 899pp.
None mentions the KFE at all.
Omar Hamdan's article is almost useless.
His conlusion ‒ that the KFE does not closely follow the old mss, but either ad-Dānī/Abu Daʾud or a modern print (maybe the Muḫallalātī), was obvious before he started looking at it.
If he had compared the KFE with both the Muqniʿ and the Tanzīl, and with an Indian print, a Maġribī print and the Muḫallalātī (plus an Ottoman print) instead of only with mss., the paper would have been useful.
I assume that it would have shown that it follows most closely the Maġrib (indirctly Abu Daʾud Sulaimān Ibn Naǧāḥ).
some quotes from Azīz Hial's article:
Muḥammad Abū al-Faḍl al-Ǧīzāwī (1874-1927), en poste entre 1917 et 1927
Signalons que son nom est mystérieusement remplacé par « ṣāḥib al-faḍīla, šayḫ ǧāmiʿ al-Azhar ».
((In the first small edition there is a seal: Muḥammad ʿAbu'l-faḍl))
Dès 1912, le gouvernement égyptien comptait éditer un muṣḥaf qui dépasse en qualité et en précision celui de Riḍwān al-Muḫallalātī.
La postface à la première édition date du 10 rabīʿ al-ṯānī 1337 (13 janvier 1919)
Pourquoi ne pas se contenter de reprendre le muṣḥaf de Riḍwān al-Muḫallalātī et le corriger ?
si la postface de ce muṣḥaf porte la date du 13 janvier 1919, pourquoi attendre le 10 juillet 1924 pour le publier ?
C’est dans ce contexte que le muṣḥaf, oublié depuis 1919, est à nouveau évoqué, afin de fournir un supplément de légitimité à la candidature du roi Fuʿād.
The paper by Asma Hilali can be reduced to one sentence:
While in the 19th century, the Flügel edition served many Orientalists as text of reference,
now the text of the KFE, the Madina Mushaf (Ḥafṣ by the KFComplex) and the simplified text of tanzil.net serve as reference.
Here I have to congratulate. Three years ago, in the inviation to (her) conference, she had written
... l’édition du Coran du Caire ... est d’une importance capitale dans la société musulmane moderne et contemporaine ... L’édition du Caire met à disposition des musulmans ... une version du texte coranique qui deviendra progressivement la référence religieuse, liturgique ... la plus populaire dans le monde islamique. ... la popularité du Coran du Caire n’a jamais été remise en cause. ... un événement religieux s’adressant aux musulmans ... Ainsi, l’avènement du Coran du Caire a une portée qui dépasse la sphère de la croyance et qui prend sa place dans l’histoire de la civilisation islamique : histoire des institutions, histoire matérielle, histoire de la pensée religieuse et des études islamiques.All this bla-bla is gone. Al-ḥamdu-llāh
So one can't say that A.H. has learned NOTHING in the four years that she prepared the conference and journal nummer.
But although she thanks Alba Fedeli, Antoinette Ferrand and Dennis Halft for commenting and correcting her text,
she still gets most things about the KFE wrong,
and she lies: She writes that Ali Akbar had said that the KFE has no singular place, is just one among maṣāḥif from Singapore, Bombay, Lucknow and Istanbul.
During the conference Ali Akbar had said: There is no trace what so ever of the KFE. Maybe, students in Cairo or Mekka Pilmgrims have brought a copy, but we do not know!
There are unbelievable statements by A.H.:
Although the KFE is important, because it is the first type set offset print of the qurʾān,
A.H. writes in the introduction of the journal that the KFE was both edited and calligraphed by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Rifāʿī,
who had nothing to do with it. It was edited by al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād. It was set with about half of the sorts designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey (m. 1916) ‒ stacked ligatures, and mīm without white in the middle
were used in the afterwords, but not in the qurʾānic text because Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif wanted it to be clear = easily readable.
Is it that A.H. is stupid or is this the consequence of the fact that she has never held a copy in her hands, that the IDEO did not acquire one of the many copies on the market?
That she calls putting a number after each verse « versification » (instead of « numérotation » ) suggests the former.
She claims that there was a special Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir edition, which I doubt because she does not give the date of publication, and a King Fārūq Edition, which is definetly wrong.
‒
Sunday, 6 October 2024
Best Sellers
By that time, both in Iran and India printing maṣāḥif had began, but only after 1865 they were mass produced, and affordable.
Since they were even sold in the Ottoman empire, the ban against printing the scripture was lifted: So maṣāḥif written by Hafiz Osman and Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qadirġalī became best selling in Istanbul, Syria and Egypt.
here one of several MNQ from Tehran The important editions by Muḫallalātī and al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād (HH) did not sell well ‒ the KFE at least not to Egyptians; they prefered the 522 pages written by Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qadirġalī ‒ now often in the reform /Andalusian/ HH orthography, but at least until 1967 in new editions in the original Ottoman spelling.
on the left from a 1981 MNQ Cairo edition on 522 pages, on the right the original: a MNQ from Bairut The top seller in Egypt was a line by line copy of the MNQ 522pager written by Muḥammad Saʿd Ibrāhīm al-Ḥaddād famous under the name of the publisher: aš-Šamarlī.
What is mostly ignored: Šamarlī published MNQ in the new orthography even in the 1960s: The government press, al-Amīriyya, tried to compete: in 1976 they produced a type set version with 15 lines on 525 pages. For more than a decade they made at least four different sizes: from small in flexibel plastic to Mosque size.

on the left from the pocket version 1977, on the right the normal one the large Qaṭarī reprint 1988 Although the KFE was almost only sold to oritentalists, in the seventies many publisher "remade" it on there light tables (layout tables): the cut films they had made of the 12 liner and rearranged them: either just more lines on a page as was first done around 1933 in the "muṣḥaf al-malik" al-maṭbʿa al-miṣiriyya (Muḥammad Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Laṭīf) printed in offset I assume: die rechte Seite bekam immer einen Kustoden. Gelegentlich wurde eine Schmuckzeile ein gefügt, damit eine Sure auf einer neuen Seite anfangen kann. Der Verleger hat zu seinem neu umbrochenen und neu gerahmten auch einen Tafsīr veröffentlicht: Marwān Sowār, Damascus: Dār aš-Šurūq: or more and longer lines: links: Bairut 1983, Mitte: Kairo 1391/1971, rechts: Jordanischer Nachdruck eines Damaszener Nachdrcks von Kairo 1952
some editions with tafsir keep the original pages other rearange the text None of these were best sellers, but combined they spread the new spelling in spite of the KFE being extremely unpopular.
Now in the Arab world and Malaysia ʿUṯmān Ṭaha versions dominate.
In India and Bangla Desh reprints of Tāj Comp. Ltd versions can be found everywhere, while in Pakistan there is fierce competion.
In South Africa Taj's 848 pages 13liner dominates, although the latest version of WII (Waterval Islamic Institute) is set in a UT like font.
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40 years ago Adrian Alan Brockett submitted his Ph.D. to the University of St.Andrews: Studies in Two Transmissions of the Qurʾān . Now...
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Although it is often written that the King Fuʾād Edition fixed a somehow unclear text, and established the reading of Ḥafṣ according to ʿĀ...
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from a German blog coPilot made this English one Iranian Qur'an Orthography: Editorial Principles and Variants The Iranian مرکز...








































































