In 1925/1344 the first small kinf fud edition was printed in Būlāq.
ZU
The 1924 print was a success, it showed that offset worked well, but KFE was too heavy and too expensive: only the bourgeoisie and orientalists could afford it:
The Amīrīya ordered presses of its own, smaller ones: to print books of about 20x15 cm.
1925 saw a second run of the KFE (in Giza), and the first of kfe (in Būlāq)
two pages were changed:
On the signature page (س ,
842 in Bairut/Damascus/ʿAmman and Doha) there are many things remarkable:
The whole page is a fiction. Nobody could have signed on 10.4.1337/12.1.1919 that a book printed in 1342 (or 1344) was faultless. That the "signed" text changes (أصله is added in 1ء44), that it has seals or not, should make experts suspicous, but nobody has noticed.
That the seal of the sole maker of G24, al-Ḥaddād, is marked "1339" but was used by its owner in 1337 is a miracle.
The ḫātima was made up to honor the initiator of the project, Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif, who had died in Feb. 1919.
kfeIb 1344/1926 Būlāq + second print/run stamped 1345/1927: two lines س saktah on (س)
kfeIc 1346/1928 ?????
kfeId 1347/1929 Būlāq this edition has TWO more changes: an added nūn on 775 ان لن for الن
whether 1347 brought this changes in one go or whether 1346 had one of them, I do not know since I have not seen a kfeIc (1346/1928); maybe it does not exist, maybe there was a third run of kfeIb in that year,
and a changed dedication page mentioning the crown prince as well
Wednesday, 6 May 2026
Amīriyya 1924 /1342
The first offset‑printed muṣḥaf appeared in 1342/1924.
It had been initiated after Egypt’s independence from the Sublime Porte by Muḥammad Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif (1271/1855–1337/1919), director of the Arabic Department in the Ministry of Education نظارة المعارف .
The typesetting was carried out at the Amīriyya Press المطبعة الأميرية in Būlāq,
and the printing took place at the Survey of Egypt مصلحة المساحة in Giza, which possessed large offset presses for map production.
We have no reliable data on the size of the original print run. What can be said is that, a century later, fewer than a hundred copies can be traced in public catalogues and library holdings — the online catalogues currently show no surviving copy in Egypt. Since a second printing was produced in Giza the following year, the initial edition was probably well under one thousand. Here images from the copies held by Columbia and by Kiel University from the second run. It is no accident that the IDEO, when held a conference on the 1924 print, had not a single copy by the Amīrīya, just a book made by Muḥammad ʿAbdarRaḥmān called muṣḥaf al-muʿalim with 15 lines per page (instead of the original 12) (if you do not have an image of a KFE in your head, click here
Unlike the Muḫallalātī, the King Fuʾād Edition was not intended for scholars but for students.
It contained no tafsīr,
did not mention any verse‑counting systems other than the Kūfān,
and did not mark any readings other than that of Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim — which would have required colour printing or a refined system of marginal notes using established abbreviations.
In contrast to the traditional madrasa setting, where students memorized the text with a šaiḫ and did not actually read from the page, the new state schools expected pupils to read in the printed muṣḥaf; to make reading as easy as possible, fewer than 300 of the 406 sorts designed for unvowelled Arabic by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906 were used: since lām‑mīm ligatures or lām‑ḥāʾ‑hāʾ ligatures, for example, were never employed, all vowel signs could be placed exactly above (or below) the letter. That the text was strictly linear, with no stacked ligatures — a layout familiar from novels and newspapers — and that each page contained only twelve lines, was intended to make it accessible to a “secular” reading public.
Here why it is the King Fuʾād Edition: page alif – i.e. the first page after an empty page 1 and 826 pages of qurʾānic text, and an other empty page – from 1924:page alif, although no number is shown, but it is alif because three pages later is "dal" (د).
The KFE is not "The Cairo Edition" or "CE", because there are more than hundred different Cairo editions,
more than five Warš editions are really Cairo editions, some without Cairo being mentioned (many edition for Morocco), or even Algers given as publishing Place, others like Muḥammad Alī Ṣubaiḥ proudly mention Cairo reproduced by N. Suit, and those by al-Ḥalabi
Cairo Warš edition In the period between the "World Wars" several publishers published Warš maṣāḥif. Here some by Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī.
Some prints are difficult to read. Princeton digitalisated their copy, assuming it was artistically valuable they made it available to the public: BTW, there are 32 empty lines above sūra title boxes and ten on the bottom of pages:
–
It had been initiated after Egypt’s independence from the Sublime Porte by Muḥammad Ḥifnī Bey Nāṣif (1271/1855–1337/1919), director of the Arabic Department in the Ministry of Education نظارة المعارف .
The typesetting was carried out at the Amīriyya Press المطبعة الأميرية in Būlāq,
and the printing took place at the Survey of Egypt مصلحة المساحة in Giza, which possessed large offset presses for map production.
We have no reliable data on the size of the original print run. What can be said is that, a century later, fewer than a hundred copies can be traced in public catalogues and library holdings — the online catalogues currently show no surviving copy in Egypt. Since a second printing was produced in Giza the following year, the initial edition was probably well under one thousand. Here images from the copies held by Columbia and by Kiel University from the second run. It is no accident that the IDEO, when held a conference on the 1924 print, had not a single copy by the Amīrīya, just a book made by Muḥammad ʿAbdarRaḥmān called muṣḥaf al-muʿalim with 15 lines per page (instead of the original 12) (if you do not have an image of a KFE in your head, click here
Unlike the Muḫallalātī, the King Fuʾād Edition was not intended for scholars but for students.
It contained no tafsīr,
did not mention any verse‑counting systems other than the Kūfān,
and did not mark any readings other than that of Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim — which would have required colour printing or a refined system of marginal notes using established abbreviations.
In contrast to the traditional madrasa setting, where students memorized the text with a šaiḫ and did not actually read from the page, the new state schools expected pupils to read in the printed muṣḥaf; to make reading as easy as possible, fewer than 300 of the 406 sorts designed for unvowelled Arabic by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906 were used: since lām‑mīm ligatures or lām‑ḥāʾ‑hāʾ ligatures, for example, were never employed, all vowel signs could be placed exactly above (or below) the letter. That the text was strictly linear, with no stacked ligatures — a layout familiar from novels and newspapers — and that each page contained only twelve lines, was intended to make it accessible to a “secular” reading public.
Here why it is the King Fuʾād Edition: page alif – i.e. the first page after an empty page 1 and 826 pages of qurʾānic text, and an other empty page – from 1924:page alif, although no number is shown, but it is alif because three pages later is "dal" (د).
The KFE is not "The Cairo Edition" or "CE", because there are more than hundred different Cairo editions,
more than five Warš editions are really Cairo editions, some without Cairo being mentioned (many edition for Morocco), or even Algers given as publishing Place, others like Muḥammad Alī Ṣubaiḥ proudly mention Cairo reproduced by N. Suit, and those by al-Ḥalabi
Cairo Warš edition In the period between the "World Wars" several publishers published Warš maṣāḥif. Here some by Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī.
Some prints are difficult to read. Princeton digitalisated their copy, assuming it was artistically valuable they made it available to the public: BTW, there are 32 empty lines above sūra title boxes and ten on the bottom of pages:
–
Wednesday, 8 April 2026
facts about the KFE
the KFA was written by Muḥammad ibn ʿAlī ibn Ḫalaf al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād alone
it was a sign of the independance from Istanbul (Nov 1914) (not from the UK Feb 1922)
it was the first offset printed muṣḥaf
it was set with less than 300 sorts out of the 470 designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906
(out which 406 were Arabic sorts, the rest: Persian, numbers, punctuation)
Muḥ Ḥifnī Bey Nāsif had advoated a muṣḥaf for people educated in state scholar, reading novels and news papers: baseline orientated without stacked ligatures
before it was printed, all kasras were lifted on the galley proofs here you see the Amīrīya set text and the same text set in Hyderabad: mostly the same with the kasras just lifted, in the last example a different form of end-mīm was used (in the first line with the deep mīm kasratan are move slightly to the left)
the KFE(resp. al-Ḥaddād) did not reconstruct the spelling according to Ibn Naǧāh, he just follwed a Faz print
I base this assertion on two groups of facts: the adding of ġāliban in the information. first the original words 1342 to 1414: the 1420 version again in 2019 and in the grand edition: and ‒ stated its sources (although ... see below),
‒ adopted ‒ except for the Kufic counting,
and the pause signs, which were based on Eastern sources.
‒ the Maghrebi rasm (largely after Abū Dāʾūd Ibn Naġāḥ)
‒ the Maghrebi small substitute vowels for elongation
‒ the Maghrebian baseline hamzae before Alif at the beginning of the word (ءادم instead of اٰدم).
‒ the Maghrebic distinction into three kinds of tanwin (above each other, one after the other, with mīm)
‒ the Maghrebic spelling at the end of the sura, which assumes that the next sura is spoken immediately afterwards (and without basmala): tanwin is modified accordingly.
‒ the Maghrebic absence of nūn quṭni.
‒ the Maghrebic non-spelling of the vowel shortening.
‒ the Maghrebic (wrong) spelling of ʾallāh.
‒ the Maghrebī (and Indian) attraction of the hamza sign by kasra
in G24 hamza with kasra is below the baseline ‒ in the Ottoman Empire (include Egypt) and Iran the hamza stays above the line
(Rušdī, Ḥasan Riḍā in ʿIrāqī state editions, Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qairġalī Cairo 1911), in the middle Giza 1924
bellow Maġribī Warš editions ‒ note that in the older edition the second stem (vertical stroke) of لا is lam+šadda, while in the modern Algerian one, it is the first stroke
A new feature was the differentiation of the Maghrebic sukūn into three signs:
‒ the ǧazm in the form of an ǧīms without a tail and without a dot for vowel-lessness,
‒ the circle for never to be pronounced,
‒ the (oval) zero for "only pronounced if paused".
(while before ‒ as in IPak‒ the absence of any sign signifies "not to be pronounced"). Further, word spacing,
baseline orientation and
exact placement of dots and dashes.
it was a sign of the independance from Istanbul (Nov 1914) (not from the UK Feb 1922)
it was the first offset printed muṣḥaf
it was set with less than 300 sorts out of the 470 designed by Muḥammad Ǧaʿfar Bey in 1906
(out which 406 were Arabic sorts, the rest: Persian, numbers, punctuation)
Muḥ Ḥifnī Bey Nāsif had advoated a muṣḥaf for people educated in state scholar, reading novels and news papers: baseline orientated without stacked ligatures
before it was printed, all kasras were lifted on the galley proofs here you see the Amīrīya set text and the same text set in Hyderabad: mostly the same with the kasras just lifted, in the last example a different form of end-mīm was used (in the first line with the deep mīm kasratan are move slightly to the left)
the KFE(resp. al-Ḥaddād) did not reconstruct the spelling according to Ibn Naǧāh, he just follwed a Faz print
I base this assertion on two groups of facts: the adding of ġāliban in the information. first the original words 1342 to 1414: the 1420 version again in 2019 and in the grand edition: and ‒ stated its sources (although ... see below),
‒ adopted ‒ except for the Kufic counting,
and the pause signs, which were based on Eastern sources.
‒ the Maghrebi rasm (largely after Abū Dāʾūd Ibn Naġāḥ)
‒ the Maghrebi small substitute vowels for elongation
‒ the Maghrebian baseline hamzae before Alif at the beginning of the word (ءادم instead of اٰدم).
‒ the Maghrebic distinction into three kinds of tanwin (above each other, one after the other, with mīm)
‒ the Maghrebic spelling at the end of the sura, which assumes that the next sura is spoken immediately afterwards (and without basmala): tanwin is modified accordingly.
‒ the Maghrebic absence of nūn quṭni.
‒ the Maghrebic non-spelling of the vowel shortening.
‒ the Maghrebic (wrong) spelling of ʾallāh.
‒ the Maghrebī (and Indian) attraction of the hamza sign by kasra
in G24 hamza with kasra is below the baseline ‒ in the Ottoman Empire (include Egypt) and Iran the hamza stays above the line
‒ noted assimilation like in the Maghreb (an in India, Indonesia): In both examples the first three lines are Ottoman
(Rušdī, Ḥasan Riḍā in ʿIrāqī state editions, Muṣṭafā Naẓīf Qairġalī Cairo 1911), in the middle Giza 1924
bellow Maġribī Warš editions ‒ note that in the older edition the second stem (vertical stroke) of لا is lam+šadda, while in the modern Algerian one, it is the first stroke
A new feature was the differentiation of the Maghrebic sukūn into three signs:
‒ the ǧazm in the form of an ǧīms without a tail and without a dot for vowel-lessness,
‒ the circle for never to be pronounced,
‒ the (oval) zero for "only pronounced if paused".
(while before ‒ as in IPak‒ the absence of any sign signifies "not to be pronounced"). Further, word spacing,
baseline orientation and
exact placement of dots and dashes.
legends about the King Fuʾād Edition aka the CE
the KFA is the first printed qurʾān by and for Muslims
the KFA fixed an ill-defined text
the KFA made Ḥafs ʿan ʿĀṣim predominant
the KFA was an immediate success all ober the Muslim world
... was the first printed muṣḥaf following the rasm al-ʿuṯmānī
... was the child of an Azhar committee
The committee worked 17 years on its text
... was the necessary reaction to tons of mistakes in importandt maṣāḥif (which had to be sunk in the Nile)
the source for rasm are not manuscripts, but the literature about it; it is therefore a reconstruction, the result of a rewriting of the usual text (Bergsträßer)
it follows Abū Daʾūd Sulaimān Ibn Naǧāḥ
the KFA fixed an ill-defined text
the KFA made Ḥafs ʿan ʿĀṣim predominant
the KFA was an immediate success all ober the Muslim world
... was the first printed muṣḥaf following the rasm al-ʿuṯmānī
... was the child of an Azhar committee
The committee worked 17 years on its text
... was the necessary reaction to tons of mistakes in importandt maṣāḥif (which had to be sunk in the Nile)
the source for rasm are not manuscripts, but the literature about it; it is therefore a reconstruction, the result of a rewriting of the usual text (Bergsträßer)
it follows Abū Daʾūd Sulaimān Ibn Naǧāḥ
the taʿrīf says: ad-Dānī and Ibn Naǧāḥ, and when they disagree: Ibn Naǧāḥ (hence Ibn N.)
Introductory Note
Before discussing what the King Fuʾād Edition of 1924 actually is, a few basic distinctions are needed. They may feel pedantic, but without them the debate becomes a tangle of category mistakes. Three layers must be kept apart:
It is transmitted orally, corrected orally, and mastered orally.
It can be written differently ‒ either fixing most aspects or leaving them to be taught orally.
‒ the rasm, the letter skeleton;
‒ the spelling of long vowels;
‒ spelling initial hamza;
‒ mute/otios letters;
‒ the writing of (partial) assimilation;
‒ auxiliary signs: pause marks, verse numbers, saǧada signs, juzʾ and ḥizb markers, saktah signs, and the like.
Some aspects follow early manuscripts (in which alif, waw and yāʾ were not only written for /ʾ, w, y/ and /ā, ū, ī/, but for /a, u, i/, for differentiating between words that would be homographs without an imposed spelling distinction and for marking the end of a word ending with a letter without an explicit end-of-word-form (waw, dāl, ḏāl, rāʾ, zai).
In Asia/India/Indonesia long vowels are written by long-vowel-signs while Africa/Andalusia/the Maġrib has only three short vowel signs, needs extra lengthening letters: when there is no ḥarf al-madd in the rasm a small vowel letter is added.
initial hamza on alif is not marked in Asia (here an inital alif is a hamza) while in the West a small ʿain i.e. hamza-sign is needed
‒ both vowel dots/strokes and the hamza sign did not exist when spelling was fixed.
This layer is often misunderstood. It is a spelling system, chosen and applied by human editors. Different systems can represent the same recitation; the same system can be used for different recitations.
First different forms of ḍamma ‒ they are the same whatever Unicode says. next different forms of sukūn:
in the middle you see an East African muṣḥaf in which fatḥa+sukūn when the follow each other are joined (as if one sign)
below nūn ṣīla (nūn quṭnī) by the same calligapher, Hafiz ʿUṯmān the Elder: wheter the nūn is near the tanwīn or below the alif does not matter, it is the same. Whether it has an extra kasra nor not, either.
‒ How many lines per page?
‒ Is there extra space between words?
‒ Is there a numbers after each verse, and are alternative ends of verse indicated?
‒ Must each juzʾ begin on a right‑hand page?
‒ Is there in the left bottom always an end of verse?
‒ Is there an index? A colophon? A table of aḥzāb? ‒ Are the suras counted or named only?
‒ Is the chronology of revelation indicated?
This layer is the most visible to readers, yet the least understood in scholarship. It is also the layer in which printers, not scholars, often have the final word.
‒ the Azhar Qurʾān, as if it had been conceived, edited, and issued by al‑Azhar;
‒ the product of a committee of four scholars working for seventeen years;
‒ a critical restoration of the Qurʾān based on the rasm treatise of Ibn Naǧāḥ.
‒ the first print with the rasm ʿuṯmānī instead of being imlāʾī1
‒ it was an immediate success all over the Muslim world.
‒ it spread the reading of Ḥafṣ
These narratives are tidy, appealing ‒ and wrong.
Ḥafṣ was made dominant by non-Arab ruler (the Mamelucks, the Ottomans, Safavid, Timurids) because Ḥafṣ is closes to normal Arabic.
In reality, the text was prepared by one man. There is no trace of deliberation, no evidence of a commission, and no sign that the text was systematically discussed with others before it went to press.
‒ KFA for the 27‑cm format,
‒ kfa for the 20‑cm format.
(more about the differences later)
Both contain 826 pages of Qurʾān text plus 23 pages of dedication, explanation, index, and colophon.
The smaller kfa is not a shortened version. It is the same book, reduced in size. The type area — the text block — is only about ten percent smaller. What disappears is the margin: the generous white space of the KFA is reduced to the width of the medaillions for ǧuz, ḥizb, saktah and saǧada.
The KFA was the first offset muṣḥaf, it was a government edition, meant for students in government schools, who should be able to read it easily without a šaiḫ reciting it for them. That is why its initiator Ḥifni Bey Nāṣif wanted that only about 300 sorts were used = no stacked ligatures, no vertical ones like on the right. This baseline-aligned script was new ‒ and lives on in the ʿUṯmān Ṭaha Madina muṣḥaf.
Thus:
‒ G24 = the text (orthography, pause signs, liturgical divisions: juzʾ and ḥizb).
‒ KFA/kfa = the book (827+20‑pages, no title page, no duʿāʾ, two sizes).
the Indian text I call IPak, its book forms IPak611 (berkenar), IPak848 (South Africa), IPak 549 etc.
the Maġribī text And(alūs), the Ottoman text Ott, the modern Turkish standard CT
MNQ522 and MNQ604 are by Muṣṭafā Nāẓīf Qadirġalī
Kazan is a text standard, so are MSI 1983, MSI 2002, MSI 2019 for Indonesia
Ṭabo-Našr has a rasm of it own, a nIran spelling convention, but prints maṣāḥif an other spellings too
For centuries, the pedagogy of Qurʾānic recitation has been built on differences. Students did not merely learn one reading; they learned how each reading diverged from the others. The Šāṭibīya is the classic monument of this culture: a mnemonic architecture in which the variants of the seven canonical readings are encoded verse by verse. Tens of thousands of Muslims memorized these differences, and the great reciters carried them effortlessly. A master like Muḥammad Ḫalaf ʿAlī al‑Ḥusainī al‑Ḥaddād al‑Malikī could recite the divergences between Ḥafṣ and Warš as naturally as other people recall their own birthdays. This was the professional world of the Šaiḫ al‑Maqāriʾ al‑Miṣrī, the man who prepared the 1924 text. He was a guardian of the oral form of the Qurʾān — not a specialist in early manuscripts, not a reader of ad‑Dānī or Ibn Naǧāḥ, not a calligrapher, and not a typesetter. His task was not to reconstruct an ancient rasm. What he actually did was straightforward: he took a printed Moroccan Warš muṣḥaf from Fès — at that time the only widely available Warš edition in print — and mapped the oral Ḥafṣ reading onto its Maġribī written form. In other words, the 1924 text is the result of applying an Egyptian oral tradition to a Fès‑based Maġribī textual template. That was the entire editorial operation. If not convinced, read this.
1. The oral form
The oral form of the Qurʾān — in this case the reading of Ḥafṣ ʿan ʿĀṣim — is a system of recitation. It defines how the text is pronounced, sometimes a different vowel, a doubled consonant, or easing of hamza, elongations, assimilation, where pauses are mandatory, possible, or forbidden.It is transmitted orally, corrected orally, and mastered orally.
It can be written differently ‒ either fixing most aspects or leaving them to be taught orally.
2. The written form
2a the text
The written form is the choice of orthography: the spelling system and graphic code used to represent Ḥafṣ on the page (or in the data stream) ‒ a bundle of decisions:‒ the rasm, the letter skeleton;
‒ the spelling of long vowels;
‒ spelling initial hamza;
‒ mute/otios letters;
‒ the writing of (partial) assimilation;
‒ auxiliary signs: pause marks, verse numbers, saǧada signs, juzʾ and ḥizb markers, saktah signs, and the like.
Some aspects follow early manuscripts (in which alif, waw and yāʾ were not only written for /ʾ, w, y/ and /ā, ū, ī/, but for /a, u, i/, for differentiating between words that would be homographs without an imposed spelling distinction and for marking the end of a word ending with a letter without an explicit end-of-word-form (waw, dāl, ḏāl, rāʾ, zai).
In Asia/India/Indonesia long vowels are written by long-vowel-signs while Africa/Andalusia/the Maġrib has only three short vowel signs, needs extra lengthening letters: when there is no ḥarf al-madd in the rasm a small vowel letter is added.
initial hamza on alif is not marked in Asia (here an inital alif is a hamza) while in the West a small ʿain i.e. hamza-sign is needed
‒ both vowel dots/strokes and the hamza sign did not exist when spelling was fixed.
This layer is often misunderstood. It is a spelling system, chosen and applied by human editors. Different systems can represent the same recitation; the same system can be used for different recitations.
2b the graphic form
While the text is the data, the graphic form is the text rendered as an image ‒ the text is basic, the graphic forms are just variants.First different forms of ḍamma ‒ they are the same whatever Unicode says. next different forms of sukūn:
in the middle you see an East African muṣḥaf in which fatḥa+sukūn when the follow each other are joined (as if one sign)
below nūn ṣīla (nūn quṭnī) by the same calligapher, Hafiz ʿUṯmān the Elder: wheter the nūn is near the tanwīn or below the alif does not matter, it is the same. Whether it has an extra kasra nor not, either.
3. The book form
The book form is the physical and typographic realization: page size, margins, typeface, layout, title pages, appendices, indices, catch words, headers .... This layer answers questions like:‒ How many lines per page?
‒ Is there extra space between words?
‒ Is there a numbers after each verse, and are alternative ends of verse indicated?
‒ Must each juzʾ begin on a right‑hand page?
‒ Is there in the left bottom always an end of verse?
‒ Is there an index? A colophon? A table of aḥzāb? ‒ Are the suras counted or named only?
‒ Is the chronology of revelation indicated?
This layer is the most visible to readers, yet the least understood in scholarship. It is also the layer in which printers, not scholars, often have the final word.
The legends
Around the 1924 print, a cluster of persistent claims has grown. According to these stories, it was: ‒ the “Cairo Edition”, as if Cairo had produced only one muṣḥaf;‒ the Azhar Qurʾān, as if it had been conceived, edited, and issued by al‑Azhar;
‒ the product of a committee of four scholars working for seventeen years;
‒ a critical restoration of the Qurʾān based on the rasm treatise of Ibn Naǧāḥ.
‒ the first print with the rasm ʿuṯmānī instead of being imlāʾī1
‒ it was an immediate success all over the Muslim world.
‒ it spread the reading of Ḥafṣ
These narratives are tidy, appealing ‒ and wrong.
Ḥafṣ was made dominant by non-Arab ruler (the Mamelucks, the Ottomans, Safavid, Timurids) because Ḥafṣ is closes to normal Arabic.
In reality, the text was prepared by one man. There is no trace of deliberation, no evidence of a commission, and no sign that the text was systematically discussed with others before it went to press.
What G24 actually did
The 1924 text — which I call G24, because the King-Fuʾād-Edition was printed in Giza — fixed a specific orthographic system for Ḥafṣ. It is not new at all. Muḥammad (ibn) Ḫalaf (ibn) ʿAlī al-Ḥusainī al-Ḥaddād al-Malakī just switched from the Ottoman version of the Asian spelling to the Maġribī or Anadusian system. This orthography and pause system is possible in letterpress, lithography, or manuscript form ‒ or as digital text.What KFA/kfa actually are
The book form that carried this text existed in two stable sizes only:‒ KFA for the 27‑cm format,
‒ kfa for the 20‑cm format.
(more about the differences later)
Both contain 826 pages of Qurʾān text plus 23 pages of dedication, explanation, index, and colophon.
The smaller kfa is not a shortened version. It is the same book, reduced in size. The type area — the text block — is only about ten percent smaller. What disappears is the margin: the generous white space of the KFA is reduced to the width of the medaillions for ǧuz, ḥizb, saktah and saǧada.
The KFA was the first offset muṣḥaf, it was a government edition, meant for students in government schools, who should be able to read it easily without a šaiḫ reciting it for them. That is why its initiator Ḥifni Bey Nāṣif wanted that only about 300 sorts were used = no stacked ligatures, no vertical ones like on the right. This baseline-aligned script was new ‒ and lives on in the ʿUṯmān Ṭaha Madina muṣḥaf.
Thus:
‒ G24 = the text (orthography, pause signs, liturgical divisions: juzʾ and ḥizb).
‒ KFA/kfa = the book (827+20‑pages, no title page, no duʿāʾ, two sizes).
the Indian text I call IPak, its book forms IPak611 (berkenar), IPak848 (South Africa), IPak 549 etc.
the Maġribī text And(alūs), the Ottoman text Ott, the modern Turkish standard CT
MNQ522 and MNQ604 are by Muṣṭafā Nāẓīf Qadirġalī
Kazan is a text standard, so are MSI 1983, MSI 2002, MSI 2019 for Indonesia
Ṭabo-Našr has a rasm of it own, a nIran spelling convention, but prints maṣāḥif an other spellings too
For centuries, the pedagogy of Qurʾānic recitation has been built on differences. Students did not merely learn one reading; they learned how each reading diverged from the others. The Šāṭibīya is the classic monument of this culture: a mnemonic architecture in which the variants of the seven canonical readings are encoded verse by verse. Tens of thousands of Muslims memorized these differences, and the great reciters carried them effortlessly. A master like Muḥammad Ḫalaf ʿAlī al‑Ḥusainī al‑Ḥaddād al‑Malikī could recite the divergences between Ḥafṣ and Warš as naturally as other people recall their own birthdays. This was the professional world of the Šaiḫ al‑Maqāriʾ al‑Miṣrī, the man who prepared the 1924 text. He was a guardian of the oral form of the Qurʾān — not a specialist in early manuscripts, not a reader of ad‑Dānī or Ibn Naǧāḥ, not a calligrapher, and not a typesetter. His task was not to reconstruct an ancient rasm. What he actually did was straightforward: he took a printed Moroccan Warš muṣḥaf from Fès — at that time the only widely available Warš edition in print — and mapped the oral Ḥafṣ reading onto its Maġribī written form. In other words, the 1924 text is the result of applying an Egyptian oral tradition to a Fès‑based Maġribī textual template. That was the entire editorial operation. If not convinced, read this.
KFE again
Although I have posted about the King Fuʾād Edition several times, here again.
First some sorts to demonstrate that the KFE was more linear than the Ottoman maṣāḥif,
it was not as linear as ʿUṯmān Ṭaha (always below with yellowish background): And here is page alif from 1924: and 1952: Did you notice: the 1952 has (ا), where 1924 counted ا , but did not print it.
First some sorts to demonstrate that the KFE was more linear than the Ottoman maṣāḥif,
it was not as linear as ʿUṯmān Ṭaha (always below with yellowish background): And here is page alif from 1924: and 1952: Did you notice: the 1952 has (ا), where 1924 counted ا , but did not print it.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
A Visual Guide to Quranic Graphic Variants
While the text is the data, the graphic form is the text rendered as an image ‒ the text is basic, the graphic forms are just variants. Fir...
-
40 years ago Adrian Alan Brockett submitted his Ph.D. to the University of St.Andrews: Studies in Two Transmissions of the Qurʾān . Now...
-
Although it is often written that the King Fuʾād Edition fixed a somehow unclear text, and established the reading of Ḥafṣ according to ʿĀ...
-
from a German blog coPilot made this English one Iranian Qur'an Orthography: Editorial Principles and Variants The Iranian مرکز...
























































