Monday, 27 July 2020

Kazan

Since 1802/3 (parts of) the Kur'an were printed in the Tartar centre of Tsarist Russia, Kazan.
  Here the first and last page of a book from the Bavarian National Library;
  the left side is page 58 of ǧuz 5 -- each ǧuz is paginated afresh

Like the 1787 Mollah Ismaʿīl ʿOsman St.Petersburg Muṣḥaf they were type printed.
I know of no studies on the orthography, the pauses, liturgical divisions and so one.
It clearly belongs to the Asian school, closest to Ottoman.
In the first 200 years there are small changes in calligraphy

and orthography: Where the original (black on white) is close to Ottoman, the modern one (black on yellow) has hamzat on alif, madda for lengthening, and alif alif for /ʾā/
Added later:
Walter Burnikel and Gerd-R. Puin published
„Gustav Flügels Vorworte, kommentiert. Ein Rückblick
auf die Geschichte des Korandrucks in Europa“ in
Markus Groß /Robert M. Kerr (Hg.):
Die Entstehung einer Weltreligion VI.
Vom umayyadischen Christentum zum abbasidischen Islam.
Berlin: Schiler & Mücke 2021, ISBN 978-3-89930-389-6
(INÂRAH Schriften zur frühen Islamgeschichte und zum Koran, Band 10), S. 64-129
with observations not only on Flügel and Redslob, but on Kazan (and Hamburg and Padua) too.

Since 2011 the rasm is very close to Gizeh 1924
‒- with the exception of dual alif (first: Kazan 1856, last line Kazan 2016)
The Tartar (both in Kazan and on the Crimea) most of the time have as title "Kalam Šarīf" (or al-Muṣḥaf aš-Ṣarīf) ‒ not "al-Qurʾān al-Karīm" (like the Arabs), nor "Q. maǧid" (like in Iran) nor "Q ḥakīm" (like in Hind).
Japanese Tartars being the exception:
here a page from a Japanese YaSīn edition:

Tuesday, 14 July 2020

Differences in maṣāḥif al-amṣār

There are many places where one can read about differences between the codices of the main (garrison) cities of the emerging Arab Muslim Empire.
— first ad-Dānī's Muqni fi rasm masahif al-amsar maa kitab al-Naqat,
— GdQ III = Die Geschichte des Korantexts von Gotthelf Berg­sträßer & Otto Pretzl
— in the internet, e.g. www.kuramer.org But tables that do not order the codices by proximity are second best.
Here kuramer's table reordered:
Here here the table I made with Kufa and Basra the other way round:
In this century, or said differently: Since Yasin Dutton's "Red Dots, Green Dots, Yellow Dots and Blue: Some Reflec­tions on the Vocalisation of Early Qur'anic Manu­scripts — Part I / ‮النقط الحمراء والخضراء والصفراء والزرقاء: تٲملات في تشكيل مخطوطات المصحف في عصر مبكر (القسم الٲول)‬" in Journal of Qur'anic Studies Vol. 1, No. 1 (1999), pp. 115-140 we pay more attention to the fact, that in Syria there were two ways of reading and two of marking "end of verse" — and according to some: two codices: Damascus and Ḥomṣ/Ḥimṣ. Cf. Intisar Rabb "Non-Canonical Readings of the Qur'an: Recognition and Authenticity (The Himsī Reading)" in Journal of Qur'anic Studies, 2006
We find an additional lām in 8:6 — for the definite article — not only in manu­scripts
Cambridge University Library: Add. 1125 (BNF Arabe 6140a belongs to the same muṣḥaf)
BL Or 2165 but it is mentioned by Abū Ḥātim Sahl b. Muḥ as-Siǧistānī and al-ʿAsqalānī.
So, Muslim scholars knew of more codices — not mentioned by ad-Dānī because
none of the seven readings canonized by Ibn Muǧāhid are based on them.
see further
[ ص: 271 ] وفي سورة الأنفال في إمام أهل الشام " ما كان للنبي "

عنوان الكتاب: تلخيص الحبير (ط. قرطبة)
المؤلف: ابن حجر العسقلاني؛ أحمد بن علي بن محمد الكناني العسقلاني، أبو الفضل، شهاب الدين، ابن حجر Šihāb ad-Dīn Abū‘l-Faḍl Aḥmad ibn Nūrad-Dīn ʿAlī ibn Muḥammad ibn Ḥaǧar al-ʿAsqalānī 773/1372—852/1449
Talḫīṣ al-Ḥabīr fī Takhrīǧ ar-Rāfiʿī al-Kabīr

Sunday, 12 July 2020

linear ‒ not for technical reasons

Thomas Milo wrote that, the letters of the King Fuʾād Edition are simpler than Ottoman handwritten ones,  because it was to difficult to print that way.
Actually the Modernists behind the KFE from the Education Ministry and the Pedagogical College an-Naṣārīya wanted easy to read simple letters. The Būlāq type case had many ligatures that they did not want to use:
ʿUṯmān Ṭaha went even further, using even fewer ligature (see at the right margin):


To underline that it was a conscious decision, here some words from the back matter:

On the left of the last to lines I juxtapose words from the back matters with the same words from the Qurʾānic text.

Sunday, 21 June 2020

IPak, an Indian Standard

While only a seventh of circulating printed maṣāḥif are ʿUṭmān Ṭaha and clones, Indian are more than half.
But they are not all the same, most follow the IPak Standard, developed in the 1870s in Lucknow, spread by Taj Ltd Company (founded 1929 in Lahore, before partition with presses in Delhi and Bombay, twice bankrupt, twice reborn), today reprinted in South Africa, the UK, the States, Bangla Desh and the Republic of India. 
The biggest sub-group are the Indo­nesian prints, falling into Bombay reprints, Ottoman reprints (called Bahriye), after 1983, after 2002, after 2018 standard prints. About thirty Muslim scholars debated for fifteen years before publishing the 1983 "Standar Indonesia," since twice revised.
There are difference within India too, unimportant diffe­rences like the shape of sukun
Here from left to right: from an old Delhi print, a modern Taj Co Ltd print, from Bombay, from Lucknow, from Madras, (second line:) from Punjab, Calcutta 1831 and 2010, and from Kerala. So besides the typical head of jīm with­out the dot, one finds circumflex (in Calcutta the rule) and (MSA and Ottoman) circle.
More important differences like the iẓhār nūn in Bombay and Kerala
and quite different one: in Kerala, both sukun and rasm are close to Ottoman maṣāḥif:
The places, where Kerala writes like the Ottomans are surrounded in blue, were not in green ‒ on the left margin, below: hamza in a Calcutta, a Bombay and a Lahore print.
From about 1950 till today printed in Tirurangadi.
Below printed 1883 in Tellicherry (now: Thalassery), same closeness to Ottoman rasm:
 

Thursday, 19 March 2020

another Bombay print (from Nederlands-Indië)

Here is another Bombay print (from Nederlands-Indië) from the collec­tion of the UvA, printed in 1882 in Bombay
Images from the UvA AllardPierson 1821 A23:


As Ali Akbar has spotted three more Bombay prints that made it to the islands in the Michael Abbott Collection of the State Library of Victoria, here a page printed in the Haidariyya:

Sunday, 15 March 2020

iẓhār nūn sign in Bombay prints

In Western India (Bombay and Kerala) it was common to indicate places where vowelless nūn was fully pronounced.

not only after tanwīn, but withIN words, too:

Ali Akbar found this in Indonesia -- the last pages are missing, but he assumes it is a West Central Indian print (i.e. from around Bombay, not from the West Indies).

right pages starts in the middle of 15:66, left page with 15:80.

Here three dots do not stand for either-or-pause وقف التجاذب /المعانقة but for iẓhār. -- I have highlighted as well: assimilation after tanwīn and end-of-aya other than Kufan and the two dots under yāʾ, when it is prounced /ī/.

Sunday, 8 March 2020

iẓhār nūn (& iqlāb mīm)

Marijn van Putten has discovered the iẓhār nūn
both after tanwīn:

and "normal" nūn sākin:

and even one example where the extra green nūn is misplaced ‒ suggesting that the colour signs were added in a second phase:

should have been like this
I'm a bit dis­appointed that van Putten has never seen or heard of iẓ­hār nūn, al­though I have pub­lished about it. I first dis­covered it in Bom­bay reprints from Indone­sia, but later both in Indian mss. and prints.

Sunday, 1 March 2020

on Flügel, Vollers ­‒ Marijn van Putten again

Please skip this post.
It is not on print editions of the qurʾān.
Just on a twitter thread by a Leiden scholar, a brilli­ant linguist.

If you think: "typo, don't be so strict!"
van der Put published it a week ago, published it a second time un­changed in "Thread reader" and there are two years 1934 and 1950. In my view there are both wrong.

Anyhow, I am too young: For me Flügel's sorry effort was only laughing­stock. I am asto­nished that Marijn van Putten devotes time to it. On Twitter he calls "Flügel's well-inten­tioned mess ... Schlimm­besse­rung ... 'cor­recting' [the Arab texts that he finds in the mss.] in his print edition.
From what he writes it is obvious, that he is not aware that Bobzin wrote that the verse num­bers are not his, but those of Hinkel­mann.

And he ignores "Die Divergenzen zwischen dem Flügel- und dem Azhar-Koran" by Arne A. Ambros in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes Vol. 78 (1988), pp. 9-21

His ignorance is helpful. Other­wise, he would not have devoted a fresh ‒ an unnecessary ‒ look at the book.

What is even stranger:
He dismisses Karl Vollers' Volkssprache und Schriftsprache im alten Arabien (1906)
although Vollers comes to conclusions that resemble his in "The Language of the Uthmanic Codex"

I thought he is a bright linguist, who stupidly writes about things he does not under­stand. After this thread I know better.

Postscriptum
After he was alerted to the mistake, he tweeted "lol" ‒ by now deleted.
I do not believe that it was a typo, I am convinced that van der Put believed in what he wrote. Why?
Because almost everything he writes about printed copies is wrong.
In his thread on niʿmat allāh ‒ unlike the con­ference held in Berlin and the twitter thread, in his by now pub­lished article he is correct: "niʿmat allāh/rabbi-ka", some of his Grace of God-places are in fact Grace of your Lord-places -- he compares early manu­scripts which the Cairo Edition al­though here ALL standards (Maghrib, Gizeh24, Turkey, India, Indo­nesia) agree completely.
In his iǧtabā-hu-thread
he speaks of "modern print editions" al­though HERE there are two different standard groups: Africa vs. Asia. ‒ Each time he gets it wrong.
Like most Arabist/linguists he has not studied modern editions: he writes about a field he largely ignores. So, I take it that he did not know a thing about the Flügel edition.

But because his article is very important, I annotate it where it talks on modern editions.
van Putten writes "Sadeghi[(& Bergmann 2010] defines the Uthmanic text type as agree­ing with the text of the 1924 Cairo Edition of the Quran" (p.272) without giving a quote or the page. ‒ I can' find it.
Several times he mentions "the Sanaa palimpsest" when he means to say "the lower text of ..."
More serious:
"the Uthmanic text type have been accurate­ly trans­mitted up until the Cairo edition." (p. 280)
There has been no accurate trans­mission from century to century, from muṣḥaf to muṣḥaf, but the Cairo edition of 1924 claims to be a recon­struction on the basis of the literature on the rasm, the ḍabṭ ...
When you have a manuscript from the 8th century and a print from the 20th, you know nothing about trans­mission; for that you have to study mss. from the centuries between.

A last point, although I know that many find it niggling, but I love correct language.
is written plene" (three times) ‒ words can be written plene, sounds are written.

Monday, 17 February 2020

semantically demanding

Why do I insist that speaking of "con-sonants" makes sense only, when one speaks of "sonants" = only if there are (self-)sounders,
sounds that only sound together with sounders, together-sounders/con-sonants exist.

I am a nominalist = I think most things do no exist in themselves, by themselves.
Speakers make them.
bois, forêt, Wald, Holz, Gehölz, Hain, grove, wood, woods, forest, jungle, taiga, maquis, Mischwald, Urwald, Holz­plantage
These words do not reflect things that exist in reality independent of speech, rather: words structure reality, they make us see what is there ...
... and sometimes what isn't.
Reizklima exists only in German,
And some Germans think: If we have a word for it, it must be there.
No, not at all. We can select real (!) things in a way that they correspond to a man-made concept.
As I see it, there is no homo­sexuality. The label is used for a hundred different things, but not for an entity that existed before someone described it.
As I see it, it is mind boggling to put female-female and male-male into one box. They are opposites.
Polar desert, sand desert, stone desert are not the same. Just as desert can mean unpopulated or arid or barren, homo­sexuality sometimes stands of an inborn trait in every human, for an inclination of some, for activity (or passivity) in others, for a pre­ference or a pos­sibility (when deprived of available sex with a member of an other sex), sometimes for a life­long exclusive character trait, sometimes for something that comes and goes and co­exists with its "opposite", characteristic or accidental. Some languages differen­tiate between fucker and fucked one, find it absurd to use one word for the robber and robbed one, for prison guard and inmate, con­sider "active prison­er/homo­sexual" and "passive prisoner/homo­sexual" as mad ‒ as mad as calling the victim of a crime "(passive) criminal."
BTW, in German we have Eiswüste instead of polar desert ‒ similar, but not the same.

"Sexuality" was coined somewhat before 1800 for reproduction involving different sexual organs = organisms having different repro­ductive roles = organisms capable of reproducing sexually, was applied to plants most of the time.
Hence the concept of one- or homo-sex is nonsense, by definition sexuality occurs only between different sexes.
all Roman Catholic monasteries are homosexual.
all German national soccer teams are homosexual.
The College of Cardinals is homo-sex-ual = the cardinals are all of the same sex.
I think one should be less abstract:
The College of Cardinals is male only
or: you have to be a man to become cardinal.
An international feature film is defined as a feature-length motion picture produced outside the United States of America with a predominantly non-English dialogue track. oscar.org
flights can be inter-national, trade can be, telephone talks,
but not persons, books, songs. Once a Syrian told be: this song is international.
I contradicted. A fellow Syrian asked for a translation into Arabic.
In translation "inter-national" (بين دولي) became global (عالمي).
When I hear "international" on the radio, most of the time "foreign" or "global" is meant.
Weltliteratur is not "inter­national literature." Conferences, meetings, tournaments.

radical means "from the roots"/"toward the roots," not extremist.
Apo-calypse means un-cover, open, brought into the open, re-velation, Offen-barung, كشف
Doomsday, the last day, the end of the world is es-chalon.
That the most famous book of re­velation deals of the last days, is not reason to confuse the terms.
They have nothing in common.
Recently I read "as an audience I ..." and "as a minority I ..." or "In dieser Legisatur" when "as part of the audience," "as a member of a minoriy," "in dieser Legislaturperiode" is meant. f..k you! I hate it.
So it is not that I dislike the Amsterdam professor ‒ I do not know him, and a like him as an linguist ‒, I do not suffer wrong terminology.



an English bishop becomes a German Läufer, a French fou.
hüzün, Weltschmerz and saudade are not the same.
Of multiple origins. Partly a borrowing from French. Partly a borrowing from Latin. Etymons: French sexe; Latin sexus. Etymology: Middle French, French sexe the genitals (c1200 in Old French as sex ), gender, state of being male or female (c1230, 14th cent. as a social category, 1546 with reference to plants), sexuality, physical lovemaking, eroticism (1856) and its etymon classical Latin sexus (u- stem) state of being male or female, specific qualities associated with being male or female, males or females collectively, sexual organs, of uncertain origin (perhaps compare secāre to cut (see secant adj.), though the semantic connection is unclear). Compare Old Occitan sexe (1420), Catalan sexe (1515), Spanish sexo (first half of the 15th cent.), Portuguese sexo (1572), Italian sesso (14th cent.).
Latin had also a form secus , neuter (indeclinable).
With the third sex at sense 1b compare French troisième sexe (1817 with reference to masculine women, 1847 with reference to homosexuals).
With the weak sex at Phrases 1a compare post-classical Latin sexus fragilis (c1455 in a British source), Middle French, French sexe fragile (1546), also sexe foible (1601). With the fair sex at Phrases 1a compare French beau sexe (1646). With the better sex at Phrases 1c compare post-classical Latin sexus melior (a1200 in a British source).
With the in sense 3a after Middle French, French le sexe women, the female sex collectively (1580).
A number of compounds from various semantic fields have earlier equivalents formed with sexual adj. (e.g. sexual organ at sexual adj. 3a, sexual discrimination n. at sexual adj. and n. Compounds 1, sexual offence n. at sexual adj. and n. Compounds 2).
a. Either of the two main categories (male and female) into which humans and many other living things are divided on the basis of their reproductive functions; (hence) the members of these categories viewed as a group; the males or females of a particular species, esp. the human race, considered collectively. Occasionally with plural verb.
a 1896 J. A. Symonds Probl. in Mod. Ethics (new ed.) vi. 78 Burton..was led to surmise a crasis of the two sexes in persons subject to sexual inversion. Thus he came to speak of ‘the third sex’.
a 1720 P. Blair Bot. Ess. iv. 237 These being very evident Proofs of a necessity of two Sexes in Plants as well as in Animals.
a 1790 W. Smellie Philos. Nat. Hist. I. 245 There is not a notion more generally adopted, than that vegetables have the distinction of sexes.
a. The distinction between male and female, esp. in humans; this distinction as a social or cultural phenomenon, and its manifestations or consequences; (in later use esp.) relations and interactions between the sexes; sexual motives, instincts, desires, etc.
a 1924 J. Riviere et al. tr. S. Freud Coll. Papers II. xviii. 230 A very considerable measure of latent or unconscious homosexuality can be detected in all normal people
Joseph Bristow: Sexuality
Dip into the Oxford English Dictionary and you will see that the first recorded use of sexuality appears in 1836. The word turns up in an edition of the collected works of eighteenth-century English poet, William Cowper (1731-1800). Cowper’s editor notes that this eminent writer built his poem’ titled 'The Lives of Plants' upon their sexuality'. The OED suggests that in this editorial commentary sexuality means the quality of being sexual or having sex’. Yet ‘having sex’ in this particular instance refers primarily to botany. This example alone plainly shows that sexuality has not always belonged to an exclusively human domain.
A slightly later usage of sexuality may also strike us as a little surprising. The OED lists its third definition of the word in a quite familiar manner, as recognition of or preoccupation with what is sexual’. Yet here, too, the example employed to support this definition presents ‘what is sexual’ in an uncommon way. The example in question comes from the authorial Preface to Yeast: A Problem (1851), a polemical Condition-of-England novel by English writer, Charles Kingsley (1819—1875): 'Paradise and hell ... as grossly material as Mahomet’s, without the honest thorough-going sexuality, which you thought made his notion logical and consistent’. This sentence may well encourage us to ask why Kingsley should associate sexuality with argumentative rationality. Rarely, if ever, in the twentieth century has sex been thought to underpin the cognitive powers of the mind. To the contrary, some theorists are convinced that sexuality opposes rea­son because it exerts a hydraulic force which threatens to rise up and subvert the logical intellect.
If these two examples from the OED have any value, then it is to confirm that the contemporary perspectives from which we view sexuality have for the most part arisen in the past century — although there are one or two exceptions to the rule. The Supplement to the OED, for example, notes that the English poet and essayist Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1772—1834) employed — the term bisexuality as early as 1804, in Aids to Reflection, where he
To Coleridge 1804 'bisexuality' evidently means containing both sexes in one body
Only by the 1890s had sexuality and its variant prefixed forms become associated with types of sexual person and kinds of erotic attraction.
J.R.Ackerley was asked after WWI: Are you a homo or a hetero?
Like are you Shi'i or Sunni, Protestant or Catholic, Beaujolais or Bordeaux, Catlover or Doglover, Callas or Tebaldi, Mercedes or BMW, Barca or Real

Saturday, 15 February 2020

stupid genius II (the Cairo edition)

van Putten, a linguist, who knows nothing about printed maṣāḥif likes to write about this subject.
He starts a blog:
The most widely accepted qurʾanic text as we know it today, ultimately stems from the 1924 print published in Cairo, colloquially known as the Cairo Edition ... This print has become the de facto standard.
accepted by whom?
Not by the Muslims, just by orientalists ‒ and 50 years later (in a new form) by Arabs (not Turks, Indians, Indonesians).
Hythem Sidky tweeted that CE (Cairo Edition) was "immensely popular".
Actually, the 1924 King Fuʾād Edition (850 big pages, thick paper) was highly unpopular, although cheap for European scholars and the middle class, most Egyptians preferred and prefer cheaper editions on 522 (or 604) pages: first those written by Muṣṭafā Naẓīf ‒ by ten different Egyptian publishers till the 1950s, among them (in the new orthography) the Ministry of Interior.

Reading or listening to Cairo-Editions-narrators one gets the impression that before 1924 there was no text of the qurʾān, just a wild collection of quranic fragments that the wise Cairo committee put for the first time into a proper book.
Utter nonsense.
Above and below we have the Ottoman (!) version written by Muṣṭafā Naẓīf on the right and the adapted version in the 1924 orthography on the left.
For good measure I will add below the Indian version. All three are the same qurʾān. According to Bergsträßer the Indian is the best. And it is the most common. Only because most Orientalists are arabocentered, they ignore the majority of Muslims -- very strange when you consider how many Indians live in England, how many Turks live in Germany, how many Maghrebians live in France, Belgium, the Netherlands & Spain.


Let's go back to the nonsense the Dutch professor writes ("colloquially known as the Cairo Edition").
When I google "Cairo edition" I just get tweeds by the professor and unrelated things, like or this
When I google مصحف القاهرة or إصدار القاهرة no trace of the 1924 edition. المصحف الشريف لطبعة مصلحة المساحة المصرية is a proper name, مصحف 12 سطر another.
1924 did not bring a new text, just space between words.


There are two more reasons why it is stupid to call the King Fuʾād (12 line) edition "the Cairo edition":
the minor reason is: the books were printed in Gizeh, and it is the only muṣḥaf ever printed in Gizeh proper.
the major reason Is: there are more than thousand qurʾān edition published in Cairo.
To speak of "the Cairo edition" like stupid; it is like calling van Putten "the Dutchman" or any film made in North America "the Hollywood movie," or any French novel "the Paris novel." Or like calling Ruhollah Musawi Khomeini "the Ayatollah" although there are more than 5000 in the Iranian Republic alone -- unknown to many (like it is unknown to most younger Orientalists that there are more than a thousand different Cairo editions.

stupid genius (scriptio continua)

van Putten, a linguist, who knows nothing about printed maṣāḥif likes to write about this subject.
He tweeted that maṣāḥif had scriptio continua until print came:
as "printed" is when the turning point starts to happen; as has been pointed out expertly and often by @ThomasMiloNL, printed Qurans suddenly start to have word spacing ... to form of what handwritten Naskhi Qurans look like, before the technical limitations, and assumptions of printers intro­duced spaces into the Quran
He goes on:
And this is true for most Arabic fonts today.
I fail to understand, how one can be sooo stupid. That there is a space/spacium in a font, does not force anyone to use them. Actually, in most well-made fonts there are six different spaces: from zero width, to hair width, digit width to ... Pakistani coranologist advice to use the sixth space, with gives a traditional (con­tinuous) impression, without lacking some extra space.
van Putten gets everything wrong:
the change has nothing to do with print:
just look at the Indian, Ottoman, Qajar prints.
Not because of technical limitations ‒ as van Putten and Tom Milo write again and again ‒, but because after more and more young men had been to public schools and were used to read newspapers, reformers wanted to make reading the qurʾān easier, wanted to make the holy book accessible.
Therefore, they used few staggered liga­tures: instead of having to read from top-down AND from right to left, with the vowel signs placed in the right order but not always near "their" letters, almost all letters were on the baseline, the vowel signs exactly above or below.
Aḥmed Lakhḍar-Ghazāl wants them to the left because they are spoken after the consonant.
Putting a space between words was a deliberate choice, not technical necessity.

M. van der Putt likes to criticize famous scholars:
In "Qur'ans of the Umayyads", François Déroche makes multiple references to the idea that the use of "Scriptio Continua" is typical for early Qurans and especially typical of Qurans in the old Hijazi style. ... [Déroche] seems to imply that Arabic previously had the ability to express spaces, but that these were dropped in favour of scriptio continua; perhaps to be more like the Romans. There is nothing that suggests this is the case. Arabic had scriptio continua from the start.
Actually, Déroche mentions scriptio continua twice and never says what van der Putt says he implies: that the writers of Hijazi mss. imitated Greeks or Romans. His support on the subject is Werner Diem who links the Arab writing with the Nabateans, not the Romans. I fail to see that Déroche sees writing without wider white space between words than within words (after a non-joining letter) as characteristic for Ḥijazi only. Since there are no multiples references it is not very clear. van der Putt could be right, but that is far from clear.
Unsurpassed nonsense is "the ability to express spaces."
Of course, writers of Arabic are able to put space between words, but I doubt that they express spaces by doing so.
What the Dutch professor could mean: the ability to express word boundaries by increased space ‒ something completely different.
For that it would help to point out that space is not necessary, because ‒ similar to English capital letters signaling a name, a title or the beginning of a new sentence, Arabic has final letters signaling the end of a word.
((It is a capital mistake by Unicode to have decreed that Arabic has
  only 28 letters, 22 of which have four forms, the others two.
  Actually, Arabic has 28 normal (similar to lower case) letters
  plus 22 final letters (23 count­ing tāʾ marbūṭa separate­ly):
  The writer decides whether he ends the word with a final letter
  or adds a (pronominal) suffix (or a plural ending, whatever).
  While these (normal <‒> final) are different letters,
  the difference bet­ween end or isolate, between middle or initial
  is a (graphic) consequence of the preceding letter:
  not a decision by the writer but a function of the letter on the right of it.
  The Arab Typewriter

had the different letters.
Greek, Hebrew have distinct final letters (English, German s [≠ ſ]), just as English has capital letters, but Arabic is mis-encoded.))
And Arabic has an extra word separator.
Although stupid Marijn claims again and again that the Arabic writing system has only consonants, it has only letters (ḥurūf).
Some of the letters signal a vowel or a consonant, others always consonant(s).
And alif is used as end-of-word-mark:
after waw ‒ there is no final waw ‒ alif signals: end of word;
this was helpful because both alif and waw are often the first letter of a word unit (one letter particles like wa-, fa-, ta-, ka- form a graphic unit with the following word); by putting an extra alif after (otherwise) final waw   the border between the words runs between the two alifs, as there can not be two alifs within a word.
To make this clear: every language has con-sonants, but a writing system has con-sonants, once it has sonants/vowels. Greek had letters that WERE vowel-letter, so it has con-sonants, but Arabic has just letters, letters with can stand for consonants, some letters that (can) signal: end of word (or accusative or femininity).


Merkaz Ṭab-o Našr

from a German blog coPilot made this Englsih one Iranian Qur'an Orthography: Editorial Principles and Variants The Iranian مرکز...